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_Title:_ Recollections of Curious Characters and Pleasant Places
_Date of first publication:_ 1881
_Author:_ Charles Lanman (1819-1895)
_Date first posted:_ 19th December, 2024
_Date last updated:_ 19th December, 2024
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[Cover Illustration]
_Edinburgh: Printed by Thomas and Archibald Constable_,
FOR
DAVID DOUGLAS.
LONDON—— HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
CAMBRIDGE—— MACMILLAN AND CO.
GLASGOW—— JAMES MACLEHOSE.
[Illustration: THE CLIFFS AT BLOCK ISLAND.]
RECOLLECTIONS
OF
CURIOUS CHARACTERS
AND PLEASANT PLACES
BY
CHARLES LANMAN
AUTHOR OF “A SUMMER IN THE WILDERNESS,” ETC. ETC.
EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS
1881.
To Charles Lanman.
In many a stream besides our narrow creek,
And broad, green river, you a line have thrown;
Many adventures, much good luck have known;
Worthy disciple of old Walton meek.
Not angler only, you are artist, eke,
And far-off scenes more wild than are our own,
You with deft hand have on the canvas shown—
Sonnets, wherein not words, but colours speak.
Nor tints alone you rule as by a spell,
But language, too—your magic rod the pen—
Skilful therewith to show how Nature looks;
Nor merely Nature, for you know as well
Before our minds to bring affairs and men:
Your lines are charmed in water, pictures, books.
W. L. SHOEMAKER.
WASHINGTON, U. S.
EDITOR’S PREFACE.
Without being precisely a “popular fallacy,” it is not invariably true
that “whichever way the twig is bent, the tree’s inclined;” and it is,
perhaps, more among those who are destined to wield the pen than among
any other classes of mankind that the proverb oftenest fails.
Mr. Charles Lanman adds another to the long list of those who, finding
the dull details of a mercantile life wholly uncongenial, have ceased to
“cast and balance at a desk,” have shaken the dust of the counting-house
for ever from their feet, and betaken themselves to the filling of other
books than ledgers, and who can point to other than these as their “true
works.” He felt himself inclined more towards literature and art than to
merchandise, to which, for the period of ten years, were bent his early
efforts. Charles Lanman, one of a family of nine children, was born in
Monroe, Michigan, June 14, 1819. On his mother’s side he is of French
extraction. His father, Charles James Lanman, was a lawyer of
Connecticut; and his grandfather, the late Judge James Lanman, of
Norwich, a graduate of Yale College of the class of 1788, was a notable
senator from Connecticut from 1819 to 1825, and a holder of many offices
of honour and responsibility—a man of great public spirit, private
virtues, and usefulness, and of commanding influence. Judge Lanman’s
first wife was a direct descendant of Alice Carpenter, the wife of
William Bradford, of Pilgrim memory; and his second the mother of Park
Benjamin, an editor and poet, well-known and highly esteemed some
twenty-five or thirty years ago, and brother of the late Mrs. John L.
Motley, the historian. His grandson Charles had not the benefit of a
collegiate training, but received his school education at an academy in
Plainfield, Connecticut. He entered, in his sixteenth year, the
counting-room of the famous Indian house of Suydam, Jackson, & Co., New
York City, as a clerk, in 1835, and remained till 1845, when he returned
to his birthplace in Michigan, and edited, for a short time, the _Monroe
Gazette_. In 1846 he was associate editor of the _Cincinnati Chronicle_
with the late Edward D. Mansfield; and, after making a canoe tour up the
Mississippi and through Lake Superior, he returned to New York, and was
associated as a writer with the _Daily Express_. In 1848 he went to
Washington, D.C., with no intention of remaining permanently; but while
there became a writer, and afterwards travelling correspondent, for the
_National Intelligencer_, with which journal he was connected until the
death of its distinguished editors, Messrs. Gales and Seaton. In 1849 he
was married in Georgetown, D.C., to a daughter of Francis Dodge,
formerly of Hamilton, Massachusetts, a gentleman of the “old school,”
who emigrated to Georgetown in 1798, and became a prosperous,
well-known, and honoured merchant of that town, in those happy days when
trade still flourished in the ancient burgh, and long ere its
individuality was merged in that of its huge neighbour, the capital of
the nation, a city by many years its junior. Since his marriage he has
continued to reside in Georgetown, making, however, regular annual
holiday excursions to various parts in the north and south of the
States, and in Canada; angling—for in the Waltonian art he is an
acknowledged adept; sketching—for he is an artist of no mean ability;
and gathering materials for books—for he is a book-maker of no ordinary
talent, zeal, and industry. While engaged in his loved art of
book-making—writing original works, and compiling extensive and useful
books of reference and of biography—he has held various offices of
trust, requiring knowledge of books, affairs, and men. In 1849 he was
appointed Librarian of the War Department, and in this capacity he
organised the library in the executive mansion. He was subsequently
Librarian of Copyrights in the State Department, Librarian of the
Interior Department, and Librarian of the House of Representatives.
While he was Librarian of the War Department he relinquished that
position at the request of Daniel Webster, to become his private
secretary, which post he retained until 1852. In 1857 he was an Examiner
of Depositaries under President Pierce, and afterwards in charge of the
Returns Office in the Interior Department. In 1871 he was brought to the
notice of the first Japanese Minister by his friend the late Professor
Joseph Henry, and engaged to prepare a work on “Life and Resources in
America,” to be translated by the Minister for publication in Japan. The
plan and first chapter which he submitted of the proposed book so
pleased the Minister, that he was invited to become the American
Secretary of the Japanese Legation at Washington, which position he
accepted and still holds.
The list of Mr. Lanman’s published works is a long one. Some have been
republished in England by noted publishers, with titles differing from
their American originals. We gather from Allibone and other sources the
following catalogue:—_Essays for Summer Hours_ (1842-53). _Letters from
a Landscape Painter_ (1845). _A Summer in the Wilderness_ (1847); a
second edition of this was entitled _A Canoe Voyage up the Mississippi_.
_A Tour to the River Saguenay_ (1848). _Letters from the Alleghany
Mountains_ (1849). _Haw-ho-noo; or, Records of a Tourist_ (1851); in
this was reprinted a portion of _Letters from a Landscape Painter_, and
a second edition of it was entitled _The Sugar Camp, and other
Sketches_. _Private Life of Daniel Webster_ (1852; Lond. 1853).
_Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British Provinces,
with an Appendix on Moose-hunting_ (1856). This was made up of four of
the former publications, with the addition of three tours not till then
published in book form, viz., _The Sources of the Potomac_ (1851); _A
Tour to the River Restigouche_ (1853); _A Winter in the South_ (1854). A
compilation from this, entitled _Adventures in the Wilds of America_,
was made by Charles Richard Weld, Esq., and published by Longmans
(1854). The volumes of our author, numbering four, reprinted in England,
have been well received by the British public. The _Adventures_ were
highly praised by Mr. Jerdan in the _London Literary Gazette_, and they
appear to have been a great favourite of Dickens, who, in the _London
News_, characterised the writer as “a clever and truthful guide.” The
great novelist says: “Mr. Lanman writes like a man who observes
accurately, and describes with spirit and intelligence, rather than one
profound as a naturalist, a geographer, or a politician.” Washington
Irving, too, held the _Adventures_ in high esteem, as did also Edward
Everett. The former, in a letter to the author, genially praising the
book, styled him “the picturesque explorer of our country.” Since 1857
Mr. Lanman has compiled _Dictionary of the United States Congress_
(1859), published by the General Government; _Life of William
Woodbridge_ (1867); _The Red Book of Michigan_ (1871); _The Japanese in
America_ (1872). He has also edited _Prison Life of Alfred Ely_ (1862);
_Sermons by Octavius Perinchief_ (1st series, 1869; 2d series, 1870);
_Octavius Perinchief: His Life of Trial and Supreme Faith_ (1879). In
1876 appeared _Biographical Annals of the Civil Service of the United
States_. This is based on the _Dictionary of Congress_, and contains a
vast amount of biographical and statistical matter—a valuable and
convenient book of reference. Mr. Lanman occasionally contributes
articles (often illustrated by himself) to the American magazines. He
became the American correspondent of the _Illustrated London News_ in
1857, contributing, besides letterpress, illustrations of American
scenery, and in 1869 was a correspondent of the London _Athenæum_. We
have intimated that Mr. Lanman is not only a worker in the fields of
literature, but has amused himself in those of art as well. Indeed, as
an amateur artist, he possesses considerable claims to our notice. He is
a vigorous sketcher in oil, and in a marvellously short while transfers
to his canvas the chief characteristics of a wild silvan scene, or ocean
beach, or foaming cataract, or mountain view. His house in Georgetown
one newspaper writer styles “a veritable museum.” It can with similar
truth be called a choice little picture-gallery, containing, as it does,
original productions of some of the chief American and English modern
artists in both water-colour and oil. Several of his own best studies
and finished paintings can be seen on his walls. He has, stored up in
portfolios, hundreds of his sketches of American scenery, from the
Saguenay and St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico. He has also won some
fame as an angler, having fished in all the best streams of the States
and of Canada. He notices, of course, some of his piscatory experiences
in divers of his travelling sketches. How often has he shared in the
fishy exploits of his friend Daniel Webster at the Little Falls of the
Potomac—a noted place for rock-fish and for bass—and, when i’ the
vein, what anecdotes he can tell of him, “the old man eloquent,” and of
his other fishing crony, Sir John Crampton, formerly British Minister
Plenipotentiary near Washington, an enthusiastic lover of the rod (he
was an artist also), and of old Joe Payne, the quondam _genius loco_,
who was hail-fellow, well met—retaining still an innate politeness, a
native deference—with all the great angler statesmen and artists of his
day, who frequented his well-beloved fishing-ground. Poor Joe!
_Requiescat in pace!_ He died at his humble residence near the Chain
Bridge, one Sunday morning in January 1877, aged 72. He seldom ventured
beyond the sight and hearing of the falls which he held so dear. Many a
big fish did Joe take with either hook or net, of the capture whereof
others claimed the glory—Joe in the meanwhile putting silver in his
pocket. The exploits of this old fisherman have been celebrated in song;
he once pointed out the beauties of the Potomac to Frederika Bremer, who
alluded to him in her American book; and Mr. Lanman loves to mention the
fact that he fished with Joe Payne for twenty-five years.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
MODES OF AMERICAN TRAVEL, 1
THE WIZARD OF ANTICOSTI, 22
FOREST RECOLLECTIONS, 31
THE HUNTERS OF THE SEA-ELEPHANT, 55
PETER PITCHLYNN, 67
AROUND CAPE HORN, 95
MONTAUK POINT, 121
SALMON-FISHING ON THE JACQUES CARTIER, 147
STRATFORD-ON-HOUSATONIC, 161
THE BOY-HUNTER OF CHICOUTIMIE, 182
PUSHMATAHAW, 205
THE POTOMAC FISHERMAN, 219
PHASES OF AMERICAN LIFE, 228
SWORD-FISH FISHING, 250
NEWFOUNDLAND, 257
BLOCK ISLAND, 266
STORY OF A MODERN MARINER, 312
MODES OF AMERICAN TRAVEL.
Among the aborigines inhabiting the present limits of the United States
there were three kinds of water craft employed—the canoe, the pirogue,
and a boat made of buffalo skins; while the land travel was performed on
foot and by means of the snow-shoe. The legitimate canoe consisted of a
delicate framework made of cedar, pointed at both ends, and covered with
the bark of the white birch, sewed together with the slender and
flexible roots of the spruce or tamarack and the sinews of wild animals,
and rendered water-tight with a pitch or gum taken from the white pine.
They varied in length from ten to thirty-five feet, and were capable of
conveying from five to fifty men. The smaller specimens were usually
managed by two men and the larger ones by eight; the former were used in
hunting, and the latter for war purposes or transportation. Their
geographical range was co-extensive with the basin of the Great Lakes
and the river and gulf of the St. Lawrence. On the score of beauty and
lightness they were unsurpassed by any water craft ever invented; were
propelled on smooth water by cedar paddles, and over shallow rapids by
slender poles made of the white ash; and they were supplied with a
simple apparatus by which, when going before the wind, a sail made of
skins could be improvised. At times, moreover, their prows were
ornamented with fantastic devices worked in the bark. The dexterity with
which the Indians could surmount rough waters in their canoes, or pass
down the most fearful rapids in safety, has always been a marvel to the
white man. In voyaging upon streams where perpendicular falls impeded
their course, the delicate vessels as well as their freight were all
carried around, and hence the French term _portage_, which describes
this travelling incident; and while one man could carry a small canoe
with great ease, it only required two men to carry one of the largest on
their shoulders. The rate at which they travelled over smooth waters
was, perhaps, four miles per hour. Every night they were unloaded and,
with their contents, carried ashore; and, in the event of a sudden rain
or the absence of suitable bark for wigwams, they afforded a temporary
shelter for their owners. Such is the vessel which formed the “brigades”
in which Marquette, La Salle, Hennepin, La Hontan, Charlevoix, Henry,
Carver, and M‘Kenzie made their famous explorations in the wilds of
North America, and in which were discovered the sources of the
Mississippi and the Columbia as well as the shores of the Arctic Sea.
The vessel known as the pirogue, and also frequently called a canoe, was
employed by the Indian tribes for precisely the same purposes as the
bark canoe, and propelled in the same manner, but it was always hollowed
out of a single tree, was much heavier, and by no means so frail. It was
more of a Southern institution, but was known everywhere beyond the
range of the white birch. In the valley of the Ohio it was made of the
white wood and sycamore, and frequently designated as a “dug-out;” on
the Lower Mississippi it was formed out of the cotton-wood; and on the
Pacific coast, of the red pine and cedar, where their gunwales were
ornamented with the tusks of the walrus. With regard to the little
vessels made of buffalo skins, to which we have alluded, their
geographical range seems to have been limited to the prairie regions of
the West. They were uncouth affairs, round like a tub, and probably not
much used excepting for the purpose of crossing rivers; and it has been
mentioned as a singular circumstance that they were nearly allied in
form and materials to the Welsh “coracle,” and also to a craft used by
the ancient Egyptians.
As it seems to be a settled question that the horse was not known to the
aborigines of this country, we are forced to the conclusion that their
land travels were not only limited in extent, but that they performed
their journeys chiefly on foot. In the warmer regions this was all well
enough, but in the colder latitudes, when the ground was covered with
snow, foot travelling was a very different affair. Then it was that the
snow-shoe came in to perform its important part in carrying the hunters
from one hunting-ground to another; while the women and children were
somewhat assisted in their journeys by a small sledge drawn by dogs. If
called upon to specify the particular class who have made the most
profitable use of the snow-shoe, we should mention the fur-trappers of
the extreme North-west. The entire equipment of one of these men, for a
winter journey through the forest, when transporting his furs, was a
good pair of snow-shoes, a blanket coat, a flint and steel, a pipe and
tobacco-pouch, a rifle, and a knife; with these things and a roasted
partridge, though he might be alone in the wilderness, with the stars
above him and only a couch of cedar bushes to sleep upon, he was as
happy as a king. Though designed by the untutored savage, the modes of
locomotion now mentioned were the best that could be devised under the
circumstances, and the white man, when he began to penetrate the
wilderness, was glad enough to adopt the customs of the Indian, and they
continue to be in vogue in all the sparsely-settled regions of the
country at the present time.
But after the white race had completed their earlier explorations, and
began to form settlements on the frontiers, and develop the resources of
the country, new varieties of river craft were found necessary, and then
came into existence the Canadian bateau and the keel and flat boats of
American origin. The bateau was, to some extent, modelled after the
birch canoe, propelled in the same manner, but made no pretensions to
beauty, was built of ribs and boards, and capable of carrying three or
four times as great a weight as the largest canoe. They were always
popular with the fur-traders, and were extensively employed during the
old French and the Revolutionary wars. It was in a “brigade” of bateaux
that Abercromby conveyed his army through the entire length of Lake
George; and whenever I imagine the scene, with the long line of crowded
boats, with banners flying and the martial music echoing among the
surrounding mountains, and with here and there a sufficient number of
Indian canoes to give variety to the pageant, I am most deeply impressed
with its beauty and romantic effect.
The keel-boat was another advance, on the score of size and usefulness,
in the frontier art of boat-building. This craft was adapted to those
rivers which ran through a flat or alluvial country, was made to carry
from twenty to forty tons, performed their work above those points where
the steamboat navigation ceased, and were generally propelled, either up
stream or down, by means of pushing with heavy poles and with oars. They
were used in transporting produce down the streams to the various
markets, and returned laden with the merchandise needed by the settlers
in the interior. They were supplied with small cabins for the comfort of
the emigrants, and were particularly numerous on all the tributaries of
the Mississippi, but are now quite obsolete. And it was on the
Mississippi and its larger tributaries that the flat-boat long
performed, and continues to perform, its important mission. A flat-boat,
an ark, and a broad-horn, all convey the same idea in Western parlance.
They were made of solid timbers and heavy boarding, and, though formerly
averaging about sixty feet in length, their later dimensions reached one
hundred and forty, with a width equal to about one-fifth of the length.
They floated with the stream, were managed by immense oars, and, on
arriving at New Orleans, were broken up and sold for lumber. They were
so numerous as to have given existence to a hardy and unique race of
men, consisting of boatmen and pilots, speculators and miscellaneous
adventurers; and some of these strange vessels have been launched on the
headwaters of the Alleghany in New York, and finally reached New Orleans
in safety. The three prominent staples which they conveyed to market
were lumber, coal, and grain, together with a great variety of Western
commodities, including many varieties of live stock. By way of relieving
the monotony of their long pilgrimage, the boatmen were wont to make use
of whisky and other stimulants, and to spend much of their time in
card-playing, as well as dancing to the music of the fiddle; and when
their business affairs were all wound up at New Orleans, with pockets
full of cash, they would have one crowning frolic, and then, taking
passage in the upward-bound steamboats, return to their distant homes in
the north.
During the earlier stages of our civilisation, say from 1775 to 1825,
the most popular mode of travelling was on horseback; and the incipient
commerce of the country was mainly dependent on the pack-horse. In those
days for a man to put on his leggings, strap an overcoat and a pair of
saddle-bags to his saddle, and then reel off a thousand miles on his
favourite horse, was a common occurrence. In this manner did the farmer
visit the larger towns on business, the pioneer dive deeper into the
wilderness, and the member of Congress journey from the interior to
Philadelphia or Washington. And, with few exceptions, the mails of the
Government were all carried on horseback. And those were the times when
the term “riding the circuit” had a meaning which only the lawyers fully
appreciated. Judges and lawyers journeyed from place to place on
horseback, in a solid body; and the jolly adventures which they
experienced, their illegal tricks and sham trials at the wayside inns,
especially in the Western States, have passed into household stories.
Nor were the women of the olden times so frail and destitute of courage
that they could not, when necessary, or prompted by the spirit of
romance, join their husbands, and, on horseback, visit distant places
and friends. And then, how many and interesting and various were the
road-side adventures of those days! How fresh the scenery through which
the roads meandered! What glorious sunsets heralded the equestrians at
the taverns where they were to spend the night! What long talks with the
landlord and his family about farming, and politics, famous horses, and
favourite breeds of cattle, the latest news from Europe, and the
thousand incidents of domestic life, keeping the guests and the hosts
out of their beds until the approach of midnight! But all these things
have passed away for ever—the robust gentleman of the old school, the
healthy and blooming woman, who thought more of her wifely duties than
of her head-gear, the race of superior horses, the quiet home-like
inns—all, for the most part, are among the things departed. In the
Southern States the use of the horse for riding was more common than in
the North, and the custom still prevails to a considerable extent. And
it is worthy of remark that while the white race were beginning to
abandon the custom of travelling on horseback, the Indians of the Far
West were capturing the mustang of the Prairies, and making him their
obedient and useful servant, until, at the present time, the wealth of
the Prairie tribes is estimated by the number of their horses; and to
travel one or two thousand miles for the purpose of capturing a herd of
them from their enemies is deemed a rare exploit, and a test of superior
business capacity. In the good old saddle-bag days, to which we have
alluded, the horse was man’s companion and friend, but in these more
rapid and heartless times he is only a servant, and when too old to be
of further use, is turned out on the road-side to die.
The next, and by far the most delightful and romantic era of American
locomotion was that of mail or stage-coach travelling; one of the first
lines of stages in this country having been established in 1730, between
New York and Philadelphia, devoting a fortnight to the round trip. And
it was at this time that a foot-post was established between New York
and Albany. In 1766 the trip to Philadelphia was reduced to five days,
when there were four relays of horses, and the fare was twenty shillings
through. A daily line was established in 1820. Upon this subject we have
often thought that a charming book might be written. At what particular
time the first coach was set up in this country we are unable to state,
but our own recollections are of that period when the custom was quite
universal and in the full tide of successful operation. The leading
arteries of travel ran from Boston to Albany; from that city to Buffalo,
which route was made famous by the opposing Pilot and Eagle lines; and
there was a westward continuation to Detroit, Chicago, and St. Louis;
there was also an important route from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, the
turnpike between those cities having been the first, in point of time
and magnitude, made in this country; another from Baltimore and
Washington, which intersected at Frederick, and ran over the celebrated
Cumberland turnpike to Wheeling; another still in Virginia, running
along the base of the Blue Ridge to Tennessee; several extensive and
admirable routes through Kentucky and Tennessee; a great Southern line,
leading from Washington to Montgomery, in Alabama; and, of course, a
very busy and crowded route between Washington and New York. But the
most splendid and profitable of all was the Cumberland or National Road.
The mail-coaches were drawn by six horses; taverns, with jolly
landlords, were closely scattered along its entire line; and
freight-wagons, laden with tons of merchandise, and drawn by twelve
horses, and endless droves of cattle, combined to give variety to the
scenes of excitement that were perpetually transpiring along the route.
As the entire extent of this line of travel was from Washington to
Wheeling, the variety of scenery was endless, and much of it very grand,
but the chief charms lay west of Cumberland. And the famous men who
travelled regularly over this route were numerous; among them Jackson
and Clay, Benton and Crockett, Harrison and Taylor—now all at rest
after their journeys of life. Nor was there any scarcity of rival lines
of coaches, and rival taverns, with all the incidents growing out of
competition. It was originally intended to extend this road to St.
Louis, but the scheme was never carried out; and its chief advocate in
Congress was Henry Clay—which fact is commemorated on a monument now
standing near Wheeling. That part of the road extending from Cumberland
to Washington and Baltimore was built at the expense of the banks of
Maryland, and at one time brought in a revenue of twenty per cent. Along
the line of this great turnpike, now idle and desolate, may occasionally
be found an “old stager” who delights to talk about the old stage-coach
times,—how they used to go their twelve miles per hour; what fun they
sometimes witnessed at the toll-gates; how the landlords of rival
taverns struggled to outdo each other in their tables; how thirty
coaches often passed a given point in a single day; what escapes were
made from robbers in the “Shades of Death;” how the different lines
known as the “June Bug,” the “Landlords,” and the “Good Intent,” all
made “lots of money;” and how the business of the road came to an end
about the year 1852, since which time the snakes and the lizards have
had quiet possession of the stone bridges everywhere. The vehicle in
best repute was that known as the Troy or Concord coach, holding nine
passengers inside, with four or five on the outside, without crowding,
and drawn by four or six horses. But there were other styles also, made
at Trenton, New Jersey, and in Cumberland. The relays generally were
from ten to fifteen miles apart, and the speed varied, according to the
roads, from seven to ten miles per hour. When travellers were in a hurry
they took the regular mail-coach, which went directly through without
stopping at night, but the majority of people preferred the extra or
passenger coaches, whose drivers were not afraid of the Post-Office
Department, and always tarried over-night at certain localities. For
example, it was customary for all the coaches to leave Washington at
nine o’clock in the morning; but, while the mail was bound to arrive in
New York on the following evening, the passengers who had seats in the
extra coaches enjoyed a night’s rest both in Baltimore and Philadelphia,
and did not reach New York until the close of the third day. In 1824 a
very perfectly organised line of coaches ran between Boston and
Portland, passing through Concord, New Hampshire, which place afterwards
became so famous for its admirable coach-making establishments. During
the stage-coach era the competition which sometimes prevailed was only
equalled by the immense enterprise manifested by the proprietors. The
sums of money expended in the business were frequently enormous, and
those particular companies or individual men who enjoyed the patronage
of the Government seldom failed in making money. A mail-contractor of
the first class was a kind of nabob in the land, and the people subject
to his will, or anxious to secure his patronage, were numbered by the
thousand. First came the army of drivers or coachmen, then the stablemen
and tavern-keepers, the horse-dealers and the farmers, with their grain
and forage, as well as the coach-builders. If the machinery of this mode
of travelling was so extensive as to make the leading manager of the
whole enterprise a kind of potentate, it is also true that the mental
satisfaction and comfort attending even a long journey were all that
could be reasonably desired. The stage-coach brought men in close
contact, often kept them together until they were well acquainted, and
inaugurated many lasting friendships. In no other kind of vehicle do we
remember to have seen such beautiful girls and noble matrons, such wise
and good old men, and such jolly cosmopolites; and some of the best
stories, the most charming bits of personal history, and the most
wonderful adventures that we have heard, were related to us in a coach.
Who that has ever journeyed in one of them, with the mail, over a
pleasant route, can forget the sights and sounds and incidents of the
way? First came the gentle “tapping at your chamber door,” long before
the break of an autumnal day, the breakfast by candle-light, the
friendly words at parting, the strapping of your trunk in the boot, and
then the tumble into the huge vehicle, with its impatient horses and its
bustling driver. With the approach of daylight came the scrutinising
looks and careful words between the passengers. The turnpike, perhaps,
is lined with cultivated farms; and when the horses are being watered,
you have a little chat with a sturdy yeoman. When you approach a
village, the coachman gives an extra flourish to his whip, and, driving
directly through its principal street, comes to a halt, with a grand
flourish, before the tavern, and during the ten or fifteen minutes
occupied by the postmaster in changing the mail, you have a chance to
become acquainted with a score or two of the worthy villagers; another
drive, another village, and then comes the dinner, the superb dinner,
sumptuous and hot, with the smiling landlord wielding the carving-knife,
like a very prince of good fellows. To those who knew them in the olden
times, what memories cluster about the old stage taverns! Every village
had one of them, with gambrel roof, dormer window, capacious stoop, with
chairs where loungers congregated, and travellers waited for the mail.
And with what good things are they associated! According to location,
they were famous for broiled shad or trout, johnny-cakes and waffles,
tender loin steaks, broiled chickens, buckwheat cakes and maple syrup,
venison, roasted turkeys, fruits of many kinds, and such bread as we
seldom see in these latter days. But time is speeding. Off again, and
then for a few hours the houses and the trees and the fields pass you
like the pictures of a dream, the rolling of the wheels becomes a kind
of murmur in your ear, the driver blows his horn to warn the stablemen
at the next station of his approach, but to you it is an uncertain
sound; and after another brief halt, away you go again—now wide
awake—down through a beautiful valley, gleaming in the evening
sunshine; at twilight you pass through a lonely forest, and become
thoughtful; then comes the supper, with the luxuries peculiar to the
locality; and during the long night which follows you are lulled to
sleep by the trotting of the horses, the rolling of the wheels, and the
tinkling of the harness, all melted into a continuous and soothing
sound. On the approach of day you wake, and behold all around you is a
wilderness of mountains, perhaps the Alleghanies.
Rough business now lies before you, and when you arrive at the
breakfasting place, the new coachman (several of whose predecessors,
during the night, you have not even seen) seems not to be in any
particular hurry, and you have ample time to enjoy a refreshing wash and
a quiet meal. The landlord points to the lowering clouds along the
mountains, and shakes his head; the driver’s horn has sounded for the
last time, and all the passengers are in their seats; a crack of the
whip, and the mail is on its winding way over the mountains. It is now
all a painful ascent, and the horses frequently stop to regain their
breath; upwards again, and you hear the driver shouting to some one,
when you look out and behold a dead bear or a deer hanging across the
back of a rough pony, with a hunter leading him, and carrying a rifle,
followed by a brace of dogs; onward, and upward still, picking up fresh
horses at each relay, and a storm of rain sweeps over the mountains, and
you hear the roaring of waterfalls in the deep and dark ravines; the
clouds disappear, and you ever and anon catch glimpses, over the tops of
the trees, of the distant and apparently level country where you spent
the preceding day; and one pull more, when, in the midst of a
snow-storm, you reach the door of a rude tavern just below the summit of
the mountain. Here, where silence and solitude would seem to reign, your
ears are startled by much shouting and the lowing of many cattle, and
you escape from the coach to find an immense herd, driven by a score of
stalwart men on horseback, on their way to an Eastern market, from the
rich farming lands of the West. Another dinner, with venison and quail;
a fresh supply of horses; and now for a downward drive towards the
western horizon. The brakes are applied to the wheels, and the horses
have it all their own way; the forest trees grow larger as you descend,
and anon, as the coach groans in every fibre while sweeping past a
terrible precipice, the boldest traveller holds his breath; onward and
downward, and the sky is clearing away; fresh horses and another
glorious stampede; and at sunset, again, you have reached a wide and
peaceful valley, watered by one of the tributaries of the Ohio. Such,
good reader, is a fragment from the “times of the days of old,” when the
American mail-coach was in its prime.
The transition from the subject of coaching to that of the postal
service is inevitable, and here are a few suggestive facts:—The first
post route established by the Government, in the last century, extended
from Passamoquoddy, in Massachusetts, to St. Mary in Florida, at which
time there was no post-office in what is now the city of Washington. The
total number of actual and prospective post-offices at that time was
four hundred; in 1868 they numbered about sixty thousand; and while the
distance which was formerly compassed by the service was twelve thousand
miles, the routes of to-day (1879) measure not less than three hundred
thousand miles.
During the stage-coach era, in those parts of the country where the
winters were long and the snow abundant, a great deal of travelling was
performed in sleighs. Indeed, the custom is still prevalent in all the
States bordering on the river St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes. But,
when the French element prevailed at the western extremity of Lake Erie
and on the Detroit river, travelling on the ice was a universal custom.
The smooth and glassy surface was preferred to that which was covered
with snow; driving fiery horses, before the cariole, on those frozen
plains, required a peculiar dexterity, in which the Canadian French
excelled; and the racing contests between famous pacers created much
excitement, and were earnestly discussed even in Montreal and Quebec.
But those picturesque and exciting scenes have disappeared from our
borders, and in their perfection can now only be witnessed in the
interior of Canada. In the way of sleigh-riding carnivals, however,
there is not a spot in the country that can be matched with the city of
New York, when the snow and the weather are happily combined.
For about ten years after the opening of the Hudson and Erie Canal, in
1825, the man who had not voyaged upon those tranquil waters was
considered a decided home body; and when the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal,
as well as those of Pennsylvania, were in successful operation, the
number of people who annually passed over these great lines of travel
was truly enormous. Boats, fitted up in elegant style for the
accommodation of passengers, were for a time abundant on all these
canals, but mostly so on the Hudson and Erie. Packet lines were
established, bearing all sorts of popular names; and they not only
competed with each other for the public patronage, but they even tried
to outdo the coaches of the United States mail. They employed the best
of horses, and sometimes attained the speed of six miles per hour; and
so long as the novelty lasted, this mode of travelling was really
enjoyable; but when the victim of misplaced confidence had gone a
hundred miles from the Hudson, and then saw, by his card, that he had
263 additional miles to travel in this manner, before he could catch a
glimpse of Lake Erie, his emotions became really heartrending. If not
too poor to quit the packet at the very next town, and take a seat in
the coach, he dreaded the thought of being laughed at for want of pluck,
and so continued to suffer and be strong. And then, if accustomed to the
study of human nature, including himself, he must have been astounded at
the changes in his own thoughts and feelings, which, as he progressed
towards the setting sun and his latter end, were being made by his life
on the Canal. At first the peaceful scenery was delightful, now it was a
bore; then the regularity of the meals was just his idea of system, now
the orders from the kitchen and their horrible sameness made him sick
almost unto death. During his “first night out” he was not much crowded,
and had a charming sleep, but subsequently the mosquitoes drove him to
the verge of despair. After passing some half-dozen locks, he was ready
to indite a treatise for the Tredgold series on human ingenuity, but by
the time he had reached the centre of Lockport, he felt very much like
setting the town on fire, and playing Guy Fawkes among the stony marvels
of science. When he first heard the captain shouting aloud, “Look out
for the bridge!” and saw the passengers, who were on deck, bowing
themselves like Moslem worshippers, he thought it all very jolly; but
when he afterwards saw a poor old man instantly killed by the cruel
timbers of a bridge, he doubted whether De Witt Clinton would really
prove to be a benefactor to the race. The horses, which in the East he
thought so finely formed and so fiery, in the West, though all of the
same blood, looked to him like miserable mongrels. And if, on leaving
Troy, he was troubled with the pangs of home-sickness, on arriving at
Buffalo he probably declared to his confidential friend that if he could
never revisit his early home without going by the Canal, he was bound to
spend the balance of his days as a buckeye, a hoosier, or wolverine. But
the Canal, as a highway for American travellers, has long since ceased
to be respected, although as a servant of Commerce it still continues to
exert an all-powerful influence.
And now for a “little dash” in the “steamboat business,” from which, it
is to be hoped, we may emerge with less damage than has been the case
with many speculators in that line. To estimate the steamboat tonnage of
this country is, for us, out of the question, and to speak of the
importance of steamboats to the people would be mere folly. Like birds,
they are found floating on every river and every lake between the
Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans; and in describing them for the benefit
of those who have not knocked about the country as we have, we must
imitate the ornithologist, and not only gather them into classes, but
designate their localities. And as Robert Fulton started his first
steamboat on the Hudson, it is quite proper that we should begin there.
The passenger boats on the Hudson river, running between New York and
Albany, were long unsurpassed for elegance, comfort, and speed. They
were appropriately called floating palaces. Since the opening of the
Hudson River Railroad their glory has in a measure departed, but some of
them, especially the night boats, maintain their ancient grandeur. By
taking the night boat the traveller going north has an opportunity of
seeing some of the best scenery on the river, and saves time, but to the
stranger a voyage to the head of navigation by daylight, on a pleasant
day, when the Palisades, the Highlands, and the Catskill Mountains are
in their glory, must always be an event never to be forgotten. These
boats run only during the vernal seasons, and the number of passengers
which they have been known to carry in the busy months is simply
amazing. The steamboats which at the present time are in greatest repute
are those which navigate Long Island Sound. They are very large, built
to weather a heavy sea, run only at night, but throughout the year carry
large quantities of freight, and are so arranged as to afford the
greatest comfort to a large number of passengers; and the number that
they do carry is a constant subject of remark. Two of the boats, if not
more, now running on these waters are acknowledged to be the swiftest,
most luxurious, and magnificent in the world. The boats which ply
between Boston and Portland, and venture into the Bay of Fundy, are a
cross between the steamboat and ocean steamer, and the latter do not
come within the plan of this paper. The same causes which have
interfered with the steamboat business on the Hudson river, viz., hard
winters and the railroads, have nearly driven from the great lakes the
better class of passenger steamboats. There was a time, say between 1835
and 1845, when the pleasure of steamboat travelling on Lakes Ontario,
Erie, Huron, and Michigan, was something unique. The boats were large,
furnished after a princely fashion, and, from the time you left Buffalo
for Detroit or Chicago, it verily seemed as if the chief end of man was
to fare sumptuously every day, listen to a continuous strain of music,
and to drive dull care away by having a good time generally. The first
steamboat that navigated Lake Erie was called the _Walk-in-the-Water_,
after an Indian chief, and she made the passage from Buffalo Creek to
Detroit in forty-eight hours.
During the same period of time, but extending nearer to the present,
Cincinnati, St. Louis, and New Orleans were competing with each other in
launching their floating palaces in the valley of the Mississippi. In
their outward appearance these Southern vessels were destitute of the
graceful lines and other adornments which characterised the Northern
steamboats already mentioned, and the curious method of carrying their
boilers on deck gave them a repulsive aspect; but their interior
arrangements were usually as brilliant as painting and gilding and
velvet could make them. The immense distances they were obliged to
compass, and the length of time travellers were compelled to spend upon
them, rendered a series of entertainments necessary; and indeed a voyage
from New Orleans to any of the up-river cities was a continuous
jollification. The happy travellers on Lake Erie were indifferent to the
shallow waters which abounded there, nor did they cast a thought upon
the dangers of explosion from high-pressure boilers. On the Mississippi
they were equally unconcerned about the dangers of steam, as well as
those resulting from sawyers and snags. With regard to the smaller
steamboats of the country, we have only to repeat that there is hardly a
river in the Union upon which they are not found. Many in the South are
propelled by one large wheel located in the stern; others, in the North,
draw so little water as to be almost capable of crossing a place that is
only a little damp. The part they have taken in developing the resources
of our country, and in helping her through the fiery trials of the
rebellion, cannot be too highly appreciated.
In our cogitations thus far we have been looking at Brother Jonathan
while yet in his youth, travelling about the country to visit his
friends, or attend to his business affairs, very much like a man of
elegant leisure; but having now attained the period of robust manhood,
he has latterly been girding himself for a new career of usefulness and
honour. When the Yankee, in 1827, built a crude railway, for the purpose
of conveying granite from Quincy to Bunker Hill, he fixed his mind on
the transaction and thought of the future. He began at once to calculate
and devise, as if certain that something new in the way of travelling
would yet be developed under the sun. He waited patiently for a few
years, and then went to work in good earnest to carry out his plans for
uniting his country with bands of iron. He filled up valleys and
levelled mountains, and went on prospering in his work. When a certain
man named Whitney travelled about the country, telling the people that
they should build a railway to connect the Atlantic with the Pacific
Oceans, Brother Jonathan was disposed to laugh; and yet in his serious
moments he pondered on the thought, and to-day he has under his control
the greatest network of railways on the face of the globe, all guarded
by sentinels that hold the lightning in their hands, and has every
reason to believe that in another year or two he will be able to ticket
his friends entirely across the continent between the two Sundays of a
summer day. Not all the arts of arithmetic, nor all the triangulations
on the largest map, can give us a realising sense of the stupendous
power and influence of the American railway system. We can only
approximate to the full idea, perhaps, by passing in review the doings
of the locomotive during the single midnight moment that we are penning
this line. At the mouth of the Susquehannah there is a groaning sound in
the air, as the Owl train from Washington to New York is crossing the
great bridge; in the South another train is sweeping, in moody silence,
through the great interminable swamps; in the North the fiery
locomotive, leaping and screaming as if in rage, is fighting its way
through the snow and the blinding storm; here and there and everywhere,
among the wildest mountains, thousands of people are sweetly sleeping in
comfortable seats or berths, while travelling with the speed of the
wind; trains from the East, while passing through frightful tunnels, or
along the peaceful homes of our yeomanry, are saluting the trains from
the West; and the wild Indian, while sleeping in his camp at the base of
the Rocky Mountains, hears a sound like the moaning of the wind among
the pines, and, starting to his feet, beholds the distant smoke of a
locomotive and its serpent-like train outstripping the mustang and the
buffalo, as it sweeps onward to the more remote West.
LOUIS GAMACHE OF ANTICOSTI.
Lonely and desolate are the shores of Anticosti. In winter they are
blocked up with ice and whitened with snow, and in summer almost
continually enveloped in fogs. To all mariners who have occasion to sail
the Gulf of St. Lawrence they are a perpetual terror, and the many
shipwrecks occurring there have given to the island a mournful
celebrity. Three lighthouses, lighted from March to December, and two
provision stations, are the only localities on the island where those
who may have escaped a watery grave can obtain succour from famine and
cold, and the most noted of these is the Bay of Gamache. It is about
five miles in circumference, the only really secure harbour in the
region, and derives its name from the strange man who there first made
himself a home. From Quebec to Gaspe, from Gaspe to Pictou, not a name,
for many years, was better known, and the manifold stories picked up by
the writer (during his Canadian and New Brunswick wanderings) respecting
this man would fill a volume. They were extravagant, made up of fact and
fiction, representing him as a kind of ancient mariner, a pirate, a
being half-savage and half-ogre, and enjoying the special protection of
Satan himself. But the simple story of his actual life, well worth
recording, is as follows:—
Louis Oliver Gamache was born in Lower Canada in 1790. When a mere boy
he left home and obtained a sailor’s berth on board an English frigate,
in which capacity he spent about twenty years of his life, roaming over
the entire world. On his return, he found his parents dead and himself
friendless and poor. Having strayed into the little port of Rimouski, he
tried his hand at business and failed. Disgusted with people generally,
and somewhat so with life, he resolved to settle on the island of
Anticosti, whose lonely shores had taken his fancy captive when last
returning from his ocean wanderings. Determined as he was to spend the
balance of his days in the peaceful enjoyments of hunting, fishing, and
sailing, his sagacity led him to the bay already mentioned. He built
himself a rude cabin, and then visited the main shore to obtain a good
wife, in which effort he was successful. She was all he hoped for, but
the loneliness and cold of Anticosti were more than her nature could
bear, and she died during her first spring on the island. Summer came,
and Gamache sought for peace of mind by sailing in his schooner among
the icebergs of the north, and slaughtering the grey seal and walrus.
With the money thus made, he erected some new buildings, and gathered
about his home a few of the comforts of an ordinary farm, such as
horses, cows, and sheep. He married a second wife, with whom he spent
the seven happiest years of his life, but on returning home from one of
his winter hunts, he found her frozen to death, and his two children so
nearly famished that they soon followed their mother, and he was once
more alone. A kind of gloom now settled upon his spirit, and though
leading an active life he became misanthropic. He cared not to have any
intercourse with his fellow-men, and his only companion and confidant
was a half-breed Frenchman; but if a revenue officer, a professional
fisherman, or a party of sporting characters happened to make him a
visit, they were sure to be treated with kindness. He felt that death
had robbed him of all that he mostly cherished; and how did he know, was
his mode of reasoning, but some of his Indian neighbours would prove
treacherous, and take his own life without warning? Some band of
pirates, moreover, might hear of his forlorn condition, and sweep away
his property and murder him in cold blood. Those were impending
calamities, and something must be done for protection. Hence it was that
he resolved to adopt a series of measures that would inspire a dread of
his person and name. He fully succeeded in all his romantic efforts, and
the following are a few of the many with which his name is associated:—
On one occasion, having been wind-bound for several days, he anchored
his vessel in one of the ports of Gaspe, and making his way to the
village inn, ordered a sumptuous supper for two persons. The truth was,
he was nearly famished, and having caused his man Friday to be supplied
on board the vessel, he had determined to have a good feast, and any fun
that might follow. Before sitting down to his repast, he gave special
directions to the effect that the door of the dining-room must be
locked, and that it would be dangerous to have him disturbed. He
devoured nearly everything on the table, and finally falling into a deep
sleep, did not awake until the next morning. The host and some of his
inquisitive neighbours were moving about soon after daybreak, and a
number of them declared that they had heard some mysterious noises
during the night, and when the unknown guest stepped out of the
dining-room into the sunshine, and while paying his bill with American
gold talked incoherently about the gentleman in black, the people who
hung about the house were amazed; but when the landlord told them of the
empty plates and platters, and they saw the stranger embark without
uttering a word, they were all confounded, and felt certain that the
devil and an intimate friend had visited their town.
At one time while spending a day or two in Quebec, an officer of the law
boarded the schooner of our hero for the purpose of arresting him for
debt. Gamache suspected what was in the wind, and as the autumn was far
advanced, and he was prepared to leave for the Gulf, he told the officer
that the captain would soon be on board, and suggested a glass of wine
in the cabin below by way of killing time. The wine was good, and the
officer concluded that he would call again to see the captain, as his
business was of a private nature, but when he ascended to the deck he
found himself a voyager on the St. Lawrence, and in the custody of his
intended prisoner. His loud storming and deep curses were of no avail,
for he was compelled to visit the island of Anticosti, where he spent
the entire winter feasting upon the fat of the land as well as of the
sea. In the spring, with a good supply of wine, and the money for his
claim, he took passage in a fishing vessel and returned, a “wiser and
better man,” to Quebec and the bosom of his disconsolate family.
Even the officers of the Hudson Bay Company were occasionally called
upon to measure their skill with the wit of our friend Gamache. He would
barter with the Indians on the Labrador coast, although he knew that the
consequences of being captured might be serious. Business had been brisk
with him, and when on a quiet summer afternoon he was about leaving a
little harbour on the forbidden coast, he was discovered by an armed
vessel, which immediately started in pursuit. Night came, and Gamache
found refuge in the harbour of Mingan. When the morning light appeared
his enemy was in the offing. Another chase ensued, long and tedious, and
night again settled upon the waters. And then it was that a rude raft
was made and launched, covered with a few tar-barrels, and the bright
flame which soon illumined the ocean, directly in the course of the
frigate, convinced its officers that the runaway had,
conscience-stricken, gone to the bottom of the sea. But a better fate
awaited him, for he spent the subsequent night in his own bed at the Bay
of Gamache.
On one occasion, when our hero happened to be left entirely alone at his
house, he saw a stalwart Indian disembark from his canoe, and, with a
bottle in his hand, march directly for his dwelling. The movements of
the savage, his fondness for liquor, and his well-known character for
fighting, portended trouble. As he approached, Gamache planted himself
at the threshold of his castle, rifle in hand, and exclaimed, “One step
more, and I will fire!” The step was taken, but it was the last, for a
bullet shattered the thigh-bone of the savage. Thus reduced to
helplessness, he asked for quarter, and was gratified. Gamache carried
him into the house, placed him on a bed, doctored his wound, and took
every care of him, until the damaged leg was restored; and then loading
the Indian with provisions, escorted him to his canoe with this parting
benediction, “When next you hear that Gamache is alone, and attempt to
give him trouble, he will send a bullet through your head; and now
begone!” That lesson had its legitimate effect upon the entire tribe of
Anticosti Indians.
One more incident touching the Wizard of Anticosti is to this effect. A
young pilot had been driven by stress of weather into the Bay of
Gamache. He had heard much of the supposed freebooter, and nothing but a
desperate state of things would have induced him to seek refuge in that
particular bay. A short time after he had dropped anchor, Gamache came
out in a small boat and invited the pilot to his house. Most reluctantly
was the invitation accepted, but a manifestation of courage was deemed
necessary. When the guest entered the dwelling and saw the walls of each
room completely covered with guns, pistols, hatchets, cutlasses, and
harpoons, his fears were excited to the highest degree. Gamache observed
all this, but only enjoyed the stranger’s consternation. A smoking
supper was spread upon the table, but even the mooselip and the beaver’s
tail were only enjoyed by one of the party—the nerves of the other
quivered with excitement, and his thoughts were bent upon the tale that
would be told respecting his fate. He made a display of gaiety; when the
evening was waxing late, he arose to depart, and with manifold
expressions of thankfulness offered his hand to the host. “No, no! my
friend,” said Gamache, “you must not leave here; the sea is rough, and
the night is cold and wet, and you cannot leave the bay. I have a
comfortable bed up-stairs, and to-morrow you may go—if still alive.”
The last words sounded like a knell, and up into the chamber of death,
as he supposed, ascended the pilot. “You may sleep,” continued Gamache,
as he handed his guest a lamp, “as long and soundly as you can; your bed
is soft, for it is made of the down of birds I myself have killed, for I
am a good shot, and never miss my game.” For a while the pilot-guest
found it impossible to quiet his nerves or to obtain any sleep; but
nature finally gave way and he fell into a doze, which was anything but
refreshing. As the clock struck twelve he was startled by a noise, and
on opening his eyes, there stood Gamache by the bed-side with a candle
in one hand and a gun in the other. “I see you are awake,” said he, “but
why so very pale? You have heard, undoubtedly, that I am in the habit of
murdering everybody who tarries in my house, and”—hanging the gun upon
two wooden pegs—“I have come to give you a settler for the night.” With
this remark he displayed a bottle of brandy and a tumbler, and after
drinking the health of the pilot, handed him the glass, and continued:
“There, take a good pull, it will make you sleep soundly, and if Gamache
comes to attack you during the night, you can defend yourself with the
loaded gun hanging over your head.” And thus the joke ended. When
morning came the storm had disappeared, and the pilot and his host were
quite as happy as the day was bright.
And thus was it, as the mood came upon him, that Gamache endeavoured to
relieve the monotony of his self-inflicted exile. His afflictions seemed
to have changed his character; though certainly without guile, a kind of
passion for doing out-of-the-way things followed him to the close of his
life, and gave him the unenviable reputation he possessed. But he died
in 1854 from the effects of exposure to the cold, and the pleasant bay
which bears his name is about the only memorial he has left behind.
And now for a few authentic particulars respecting the history and
general character of the island of Anticosti, as developed by recent
explorations. It was discovered by Jacques Cartier in 1534, and named by
him “Assomption;” in 1542 the pilot Jean Alphonse called it “Ascension
Island;” and by the Indians it was called Naticostec, from one of its
own rivers, which name the French transformed into Anticosti. The island
originally formed a part of Labrador; it was conceded in 1680 to Louis
Joliet for his services in discovering the Mississippi river, and he
lived upon it with his family while pursuing the fur trade: it was
confiscated by the British when they came into power, and was re-annexed
to Canada in 1825; but in 1860 became the private property of two
families residing in Canada and England. It is about one hundred and
twenty miles long by thirty wide, and its estimated area is two million
five hundred acres. A large part of its coast has a belt of limestone
reefs, that are dry when the tide is low. The southern shore is
generally low, and while near the water there is a dense and
impenetrable mass of drifted trees and timber, extending for many miles,
the immediate interior of the island has a peat plain, two miles wide
and eighty miles in length, which is said to be the most extensive one
in Canada. On the northern shore there are hills and cliffs that attain
an elevation of four or five hundred feet,—a mountain named Macastey
being a conspicuous object from a great distance, while many of the
cliffs, as they loom above the thundering surf, are exceedingly grand
and picturesque. The forest land is abundant, consisting of spruce,
pine, birch, and fir; but the trees are commonly small, and even
dwarfish, and, according to Bayfield, the stunted spruce trees are so
closely together in some places, that a man may walk for a considerable
distance on their summits! Some of the trees, however, reach the height
of eighty feet. Very much of its soil is fertile and susceptible of
cultivation. The only attempts at cultivation that have been made, and
these have been mostly futile, are at the Bay of Gamache and Fox Bay,
and at the lighthouses on South West Point, West End, and Heath Point.
The leading agricultural productions are potatoes, oats, and barley;
fruit-growing trees and shrubs are quite plentiful, but one of the most
valuable natural productions is a kind of wild pea growing along the
shores of the ocean. The principal rivers are the Salmon, the Jupiter,
the Otter, the Pavilion, the Fox, and the Chaloupe; and all the streams
as well as the lakes, which are numerous, are said to swarm with salmon,
salmon trout, and trout; and the wild animals are the bear, the black,
red, and silver fox, and the marten. In the bays and more sheltered
parts of the coast seals are extremely abundant. Besides the harbour
named for Gamache, but originally called Ellis Bay, there is a harbour
at Fox Bay, but neither of them would shelter vessels of more than five
hundred tons burthen. The total population of the island is only about
one hundred. But desolate and inhospitable as Anticosti is now, the time
should come, and probably will come, when its natural resources will be
developed for the benefit of an extensive maritime population.
FOREST RECOLLECTIONS.
Having been born on the very margin of the continuous woods, the dear
old woods, and been somewhat of a wanderer among them in my earlier and
later years, I propose to have a quiet talk about them with those who
can appreciate their manifold influences. While endeavouring to
communicate a certain amount of information, I shall speak more as a
lover of nature and the picturesque than as a student of science. The
subject is fruitful in more senses than one, and as the forests of the
United States, in their variety and extent, are unsurpassed by those of
any other country, it will be my own fault if I cannot entertain my
readers for a short time with a few personal recollections. Before
proceeding, however, a single remark on the woodlands of the country in
regard to growth may be acceptable. The woody species of our flora
number about eight hundred; of these, three hundred grow to the size of
trees, one hundred and twenty attain a considerable size, twenty reach
the height of one hundred feet, twelve over two hundred feet, and five
or six about three hundred feet. The forests of the Far West are almost
entirely coniferous; and the hard-wood forests are chiefly found in the
central portions of the United States.
I begin my remarks with the pine forests of Maine. Their extent can only
be realised by fixing the mind upon the whole northern half of the
State, which they cover with their sombre green, and by remembering the
fact that no less than four splendid rivers have their birth in this
great wilderness—the St Croix, the Penobscot, the Kennebec, and the
Androscoggin. According to such figures as I have been able to collect,
the number of saw-mills and other lumbering machines in operation on the
above rivers, just before the rebellion, was nearly nine hundred, the
number of men employed about seventeen thousand, and of horses and oxen
perhaps ten thousand; while the towns which are, to a great extent,
supported by the lumbering business are Calais, Bangor, Augusta, and
Brunswick, as well as Portland. The predominating tree in the wilderness
under consideration, as is the case in Minnesota and Wisconsin, is the
white pine, but the hemlock, the fir, and the spruce are also abundant
in all its borders. It is said that fifty years ago specimens of the
pine were found in Maine which attained the height of more than two
hundred feet, but in these times it is but seldom that we find a tree
exceeding one hundred and fifty feet in length. The grand old monarchs
of the land would seem to have perished with grief on beholding the
ravages of man; for it is to the selfishness of this superior animal
that so many portions of our country are to-day without the beautiful
and useful streams which they once possessed. But there is an
aristocracy existing in these woods at the present day, for it has been
observed that there are different classes of trees—families of nobility
clustering together in one place—while the more plebeian varieties
congregate in communities by themselves. Were it not for the changing
seasons and its living creatures, the monotony of this forest scenery
would be well-nigh unbearable; but summer fills every sunny nook with
its bright flowers, and winter scatters everywhere the fantastic
creations of the frost and snow. It is in these solitudes that the bold
and hardy Penobscot Indian hunter tracks the moose and the deer, fights
the bear in his den, decoys the grey wolf, and sets his traps for the
wild cat and mink, the marten, the sable, and the beaver; and if, in the
most genial seasons, there should be found a scarcity of birds, you can
never fail to hear the plaintive whistle of the Canada-bird, or
_Muscicapa_ of scientific dreamers. In the valley of the Potomac this
favourite bird of ours is the very first harbinger of spring, coming
from the South even before the blue-bird; and when heard there late in
autumn, you may be sure that winter has asserted his empire on the
Northern frontiers. I have heard it in the pine forests of Florida,
among the mountains of Carolina and Tennessee, along the glorious rivers
of New Brunswick, Canada, and a part of Labrador, but never with more
pleasure than in the forests of Maine. When away from home, it always
carries us back in fancy to the region where our lot is cast, and to our
friends; and when at home it reminds us of far-off places and other
friends linked with happy recollections. Its whole life, it seems to us,
is devoted to singing, in a kind of monotone, about the joys of the
wilderness.
Of permanent human inhabitants the forests of Maine can boast of but a
small supply; but for about nine months in the year the hardy lumbermen,
consisting of explorers and choppers, of swampers or road-cutters and
teamsters, make their dim, interminable aisles alive and cheery with
their presence and manifold employments. In the autumn, small parties,
equipped like trappers, go up the rivers in canoes and locate the lands
which are to be grappled with in winter; and when winter comes the great
majority, with their oxen and axes, their salt pork and flour, migrate
to the selected grounds, and after housing themselves and their cattle
in cabins half-covered with snow, they proceed to the work of
extermination; and when the spring arrives, down to the tributary
streams do they drag their logs; and when the first great thaw arrives,
away they go down the larger rivers, driving the produce of their toil
through lakes and lakelets and over waterfalls, with many a wild and
wayward shout, until they reach the “booms” where they would be; and
then for home and their happy families nearer the sea. All this for
money? Most true. But where will you find better specimens of true
manhood than among these lumbermen? And as for poetry and romance, where
can we find their equal among the labourers for hire in any land but
ours? Fancy the heart-bursts of true patriotism and the wild stories
told by the side of their watch fires: the hoot of the great white owl
at midnight in those dim solitudes; the white moonlight on the still
whiter snow; the ringing cadences of the frost; the wolf prowling for
food around the sleeping camps; the cave-like forest pictured against
the cold blue sky; the terrible storms of sleet and hail; and then the
thousand dreams of wives and children sleeping in their distant and
peaceful homes.
The continuousness of the Maine woods, taken in connection with their
extent, is one of their most impressive features. Unless there were
something to relieve their monotony, a sensitive man could never have
journeyed from one extremity to another without becoming a
personification of gloom; but behold with what exquisite taste and skill
Nature interposes her relief! She plants old Moosehead near the centre
of the great forest, and scatters a thousand smaller gems of purest
water on every side; bids a few mountain peaks rise up as watch-towers
against the northern sky; sends the most beautiful rivers like flashes
of light in every direction singing to the sea; and in a few localities
spreads out those wonderful fields which have been denominated “oceans
of moss,” sometimes several feet in thickness, and in one instance
covering a space of many miles. But more than this: around the lakes and
along the water-courses are permitted to grow as great a variety of the
more delicate and graceful trees as the climate will allow, with shrubs
and vines and flowers innumerable. All this is the workmanship of
Nature; but it is man who marks the earth with ruin, and, not content
with robbing the old forests of their giant treasures, he sometimes sets
them on fire for his amusement or by accident, and thus come into
existence the desolate burnt districts to take the places of trees once
valuable and grand and beautiful.
The last object that the wide-awake tourist beholds on leaving the great
wilderness of Maine is Mount Katahdin; and that reminds us of the
mountain forests of the Northern and Southern States. The representative
peaks of the North are Katahdin, Mount Washington, the Camel’s Hump,
Tahawus, and High Peak; and around all these are to be found the hemlock
and spruce, the cedar and fir, the maple, the ash, the elm, and the
birch, in such numbers and variety and beauty as to bewilder the mind.
The declivities up which travellers climb oftentimes frown upon them as
if to warn them of coming danger, but the tough and rugged trees plant
their roots in the rocky fissures and hold on with heroic fortitude; nor
do they cease their persevering efforts, while apparently changing
places at each zone, until, robbed of their luxuriance, and reduced to
mere bushes by the savage winds and by the cold, they peep out from
their hiding-places only to behold the stupendous fields of granite
desolation, thousands of feet above the sea, shrouded in fogs or bounded
by the sky. Inaccessible, for the most part, as are these Northern
forests, the enterprise of man has been such as to penetrate their
hidden depths for his advantage, and plunder them of their wealth. In
ancient times a man was famous according as he had lifted up axes upon
the thick trees, but in this country we have had more than our share of
these famous citizens. In Maine, selfish man robs them of their stately
leaders; in New Hampshire, he builds fairy-like palaces, and invites the
world to come there and be happy; in Vermont, he gashes the maple trees
and compels them to yield up, for his enjoyment, the sweetness of their
lives; and in New York, he hammers out of their mountain sides, in their
lonely retreats, the valuable iron ore, and meanly strips the hemlock of
its shaggy bark, and leaves it to perish ingloriously upon the hills.
Passing from the North to the South, we behold in fancy, looming against
warmer skies, the magnificent domes of Black Mountain, Trail Mountain,
the Roan, the Grandfather, and the Smoky Mountains. In the forests of
this alpine land, the yellow pine and the chestnut oak contend for the
supremacy, but as they are not commonly matted together by any
undergrowth, they gain in cathedral-like effects where they lose in real
grandeur. Like the men of an army, they ascend the gently-sloping
mountain sides in regular order, but, unlike their Northern brothers,
they have no fondness for the airy summits. And it is here that the
rhododendron and the kalmia display their elegant flowers in the
greatest perfection, and the sweet-scented shrub fills the air with its
strawberry perfume. Throughout the length and breadth of these forests,
cattle graze unmolested all the year round, and as the summits of the
mountains are usually covered with waving grass or sward, the herdsmen
upon horses, with immense droves of cattle, as sometimes pictured
against the illimitable distance or the sky, produce an effect grand and
beautiful beyond compare.
If the moose and the wolf and the bear stumble along the Northern
mountains, here we have the red deer, faring sumptuously in parks fresh
from the hand of Nature; and in laurel thickets that remind us of the
jungles of the East, we have the great red panther in his very prime.
If, in the North, the sad wild note of the loon, as he floats
hermit-like on his native lake, “searches through the listening
wilderness,” here, in the South, on the mountains and in the valleys, we
have the singing of the mocking-bird, that “glorious mocker of the
world.” Surmount the forests of the North, and you may look down upon
beautiful lakes without number, and hear the roaring of many waterfalls;
do the same in the South, and you will, by way of compensation, enjoy a
more genial climate and the spectacle of many rivers flowing gradually
and solemnly, to all appearance, to the sky, but in reality to the
Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico.
As something gathered from the past, I now propose to speak of the
forest of the Black Swamp. This somewhat famous locality extends towards
the south from Maumee in Ohio, a distance of twenty miles, and has a
general breadth of fifteen miles. When in its primitive condition it was
only the home of wild beasts and of reptiles, a favourite hunting-ground
for the Indian; and to the white man who first saw it, it was apparently
as impassable as the home of the lost. The trees which predominated in
this forest were two or three varieties of the oak and the ash, with
many maples, and a sprinkling of those other trees—the buckeye, the
white walnut, and poplar—peculiar to the bottom-lands of the Ohio
valley or basin of Lake Erie. The trees had their roots in a soil that
was black as ink, and to a great extent submerged in water; they grew
closely together, and rose to the height, in a solid mass, of well-nigh
one hundred and seventy feet, forming a world of solid columns that
would have put the builders of Baalbec to the blush, and joining their
tops together, by way of shutting out the sunlight and increasing the
gloom and solitude. In 1808 the Government obtained the privilege, by
treaty, from the Indians, of building a road through this section of
country, but nothing was done until 1823, when the lands were granted to
the State of Ohio on condition that it should build the road, which was
soon afterwards accomplished.
During the war of 1812 this forest became a famous hiding-place for the
hostile Indians, and was a great obstacle in the way of the American
troops; and it was then that it received the designation of the Black
Swamp. The difficulties which our troops experienced in crossing this
region—which, from the geographical location, was a necessity—were
enormous; for a hundred men to bivouac on the trunks of two or three
trees was a common occurrence; and of the pack-horses employed to carry
supplies, it has been estimated that not one-half of those that entered
the forest ever came out alive. Respecting the road that was
subsequently made here, the cost of it, in money and trouble, was very
great, and when completed it was for many years a bugbear to all
comfort-loving travellers. I passed over it in a mail-coach, on a cold
winter night more than thirty years ago, and the impressions of gloom
and desolation then made upon me by the forest have never been
forgotten. To-day, a railroad crosses the northern part of the Black
Swamp, but not one traveller in a hundred ever dreams of what it was in
the olden times.
When the Black Swamp lands were brought into market, they were taken up
almost exclusively by Germans and Hollanders. They erected their houses
immediately on the road, forming them of very heavy frames filled in
with mortar and straw, thereby affording ample protection from the cold
and from hurricanes, and each man had his sign out as a tavern-keeper;
but while the stage-coach people and travellers were chiefly attended to
by the children of the household, the fathers and mothers and big
brothers devoted all their time to chopping, girdling trees, and burning
the brushwood, and thus they toiled and toiled for many years. When they
settled there, the lands they occupied were purchased for a song, and
those residing in the hill-country not many miles away were looked upon
with envy; to-day, the lands in question are held at one hundred dollars
per acre, and are acknowledged to be unsurpassed in fertility by any
others on the globe; and handsome residences and magnificent farms have
usurped the entire region of the Black Swamp.
Leaving the borders of Lake Erie, which some early writer has compared
in general appearance with the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, let us in
fancy visit the live-oak forests of Florida. They constitute one of the
most peculiar and interesting features of the Peninsular State; and
though by no means as extensive as they formerly were, they are still
attractive and valuable. By the people of Florida they are called
“Hummocks,” abound in various parts of the State, and appear like
islands interspersed in the extensive “pine barrens.” The trees grow to
a great size, are peculiar for the number of their limbs, and for being
free from astringent acids; and having congregated into a colony, other
trees of various kinds seem to have gathered around them for protection;
and as they all stand with branches interlocked, the oaks wave their
magnificent grey mosses against the sky, while jessamines and other
vines in wonderful profusion spread themselves into fantastic festoons
and fill the surrounding air with a grateful fragrance. The birds are
also very numerous, and, vying with each other in their sweet singing,
inspire the heart of the listener with delight; and as he passes out
into the barren woods, now more barren than before, he feels that he has
had a glimpse, at least, of a scene allied to Paradise. Ever since the
business of shipbuilding was commenced in this country, the live-oak has
been sought after with great avidity, and when the American Government
acquired the territory of Florida, it took exclusive possession of the
oak forests within the boundaries of the public domain, and gave
existence to a stalwart class of men long known as “live-oakers.” In
doing this it only imitated the British Government, which, before the
Declaration of Independence, was in the habit of gathering masts from
the forests of New Hampshire. The live-oakers were invariably natives of
the Eastern or Middle States, and their business was to cut down the
trees and prepare the precious timber for the national and private
shipbuilders; and several of the huge frigates which took part in the
late rebellion had their bulwarks built of Florida oak. The live-oakers
usually spent about four months in the South, or all the winter season,
for that was the time for cutting, when the sap was down; and as they
were liberally paid for their services, they were generally able to
spend the summer in comfort with their families in the North. When at
work they lived in rude shanties, and with good flour and pork, and the
game which they found abundant everywhere, as well as a supply of
whisky, they managed to “worry” through the winter without grumbling.
Indeed, they enjoyed their free and wild life, and were proud of their
employment. Oftentimes they were wont to talk in a boastful and yet
loving and pathetic manner of the magnificent oaks that they had brought
down to the dust, many of which had battled with hurricanes long before
the name of Columbus was known. The traveller of to-day, while passing
through these forests, will be astonished to find his pathway impeded by
the great graves of the slain, which the mosses have covered with a pall
of their own, and, wondering why so much timber has been wasted, will be
told that those neglected trees had been found, when freshly cut, in a
state of incipient decay. A disease called the white rot frequently
attacked the bark and penetrated to the heart, thereby rendering the
timber useless for the building of ships. The live-oaks at present
towering in their pride are few and far between, excepting in districts
where they are quite inaccessible, and it is probably true that a larger
amount of their timber is now hoarded in our navy-yards than could be
found uncut in the whole of Florida. Occasional specimens of the true
live-oak may be discovered still standing in Lower Alabama and
Mississippi, but the only splendid grove now existing is that at
Bonniventure, near Savannah in Georgia; and it was while on my way to
visit that famous place that I sketched an isolated specimen on the
Habersham plantation, which measured 150 feet between the extremity of
its branches.
I now come to speak of the maple forests of our country. The
associations and recollections connected with them are so numerous and
interesting that the mind is bewildered in trying to dispose of them in
a single brief paragraph. With the more prominent varieties of the oak
and the pine we associate everything that is noble and strong and
imposing, but, generally speaking, we are not enthusiastic in our love
of the less important members of the family; but this is not so with the
maple. The head of this family, as well as all its kindred, we admire
and love—the towering tree which freely yields its juices or life-blood
for our enjoyment, as well as the more slender varieties which are
distinguished for the gracefulness of their limbs and the beauty of
their leaves. The maple tree, of which there are ten different species
in this country, is found in all the States of the Union from Maine to
Louisiana, and, as near as can be ascertained, the present annual supply
of sugar from all the forests combined is not far from forty millions of
pounds, with perhaps two millions of gallons of the delicious maple
syrup. The State which takes the lead in this manufacture is New York,
and then come Vermont, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and
Virginia, and so on to the bottom of the list. I can remember the time
when the only maple sugar made in this country was made by the Indians,
and brought to the fur-trading settlements in “mocucks,” or by the
Canadian French; it was not long, however, before the Northern and
Western pioneers and emigrants began to manufacture it for family use;
but now, as already shown, it has become an important article of
commerce. An Indian sugar-camp at night in the olden times presented a
most romantic scene, with its huge fires, its lounging warriors, its
hard-working squaws, its squalling papooses, its howling and sneaking
dogs, its smells of roasting venison, and its hilarious mirth, as well
as the drumming of the magicians calling upon the maple sap to run free;
but in these latter days the white man goes into the forest with his
assistants, and with a single eye to the making of money he draws the
sap, and boils it down to sugar, with about as much apparent happiness
as he would butcher his pigs. It is asserted by Charlevoix that the
aborigines were not acquainted with the art of making maple sugar, but
that they were taught it by the first French settlers in North America,
and only employed the sap as a wholesome beverage, though they sometimes
went so far as to take it heated to a syrup. With regard to the value of
our maple forests on account of their wood, very much might be said, and
some varieties, on the score of usefulness, are equal to the best of
foreign woods; but it is not for their profitableness alone that we
esteem them. For the part they play in the scenery of our country they
merit the affection of every American; and as the summer rainbows span
the heavens with their glories, so do the maple forests in autumn
surround with a golden and crimson zone of their own the hills and the
mountains which they love.
As the maple in the Northern States gives up its vital juices for the
benefit of man, so also do the yellow and pitch pine in the South. The
forests composed of these two varieties are found from one extremity of
the Gulf States to the other, as well as in North Carolina and the
neighbouring States. Though varying in their characteristics according
to locality, it may be said of them generally that they spring from a
level and sandy soil—that the trees grow taller and less compactly than
the white pine of the North, and beneath them, instead of a dense
undergrowth of thickets, there is a luxuriant bed of grass, with a
mixture of low bushes and sword-palmettos. In North Carolina they give
employment to a large number of its inhabitants engaged in the
manufacture of tar, pitch, and turpentine; in the southern part of
Mississippi the better trees are greatly coveted for the making of masts
for our “great admirals;” on all the rivers navigated by steamboats, the
wood of the fat pine is the favourite fuel; and in Florida, where these
forests are most abundant perhaps, they are called “pine barrens,” and
have not as yet been employed for any of the commercial purposes to
which they are adapted. Everywhere among these woods the domestic cattle
are turned out to pasture, where they fatten and multiply and flourish,
demanding no other care during the whole year than to be occasionally
collected and counted by their owners. In all of them there is always to
be found an abundance of game, including the deer and turkey, the bear,
the opossum, raccoon, rabbit, grey fox, squirrel, and occasionally the
panther, with quails in countless numbers. The streams which flow among
them are generally dark in colour, but limpid, and form a most striking
contrast to the white sand which forms their bed; and on account of
their healthfulness the planters usually build their houses in
convenient groves, where the air is perpetually loaded with their
refreshing perfume. The roads which run through these forests are
commonly good, but, unless the traveller has an agreeable companion, he
will welcome the rudest cabin with delight at the sunset hour, and will
be likely to tell you that during his drive of fifty miles he has seen
nothing under the heavens but pine trees and little streams, waving
grass and pine trees. And yet, let the lover of the picturesque go into
a Carolina pine forest, where a hundred negroes are making turpentine,
and he will find much to interest him and amuse; and should he pass one
of these localities at night, he would be apt to imagine that the very
world was on fire. In the Gulf States, generally, the sportsman may
always have his tastes gratified to the fullest extent; and in the pine
woods of Florida especially, the naturalist will find enough to keep him
busy by investigating its subterranean streams and the secrets of the
“sinks” which abound in various districts, and in studying the ways of
the salamander rat, which everywhere builds its little home.
But if the “pine barrens” are monotonous and destitute of imposing
characteristics, such is surely not the case with the cypress forests or
swamps of the Southern States. The area of a belt one hundred miles wide
lying along the Gulf of Mexico is perhaps about equally divided between
the two varieties of forest just mentioned, but, so far as their effect
upon the mind is concerned, the cypress swamps are unequalled, we fancy,
by anything of the kind out of the Brazils or Hindustan. The American
cypress is a different species from that which has acquired a mournful
celebrity in Europe. It is more stupendous in size, growing out of a
submerged soil, rearing its cone-shaped form to the height of two
hundred feet, at the top of which it spreads great masses of horizontal
branches, dense and fragrant. It delights to wrap itself in the heavy
and hoary robes of flowing moss, which seems to vie with the cypress in
growth, the one stretching aspiringly up, and the other mournfully down,
as if finding solace in the companionship of the giant trees. If it be
true that many of them have been growing for a thousand years or more,
their grandeur, as some traveller has asserted, becomes a demoniac
power. In the deeper waters which sluggishly wind about these swamps, in
“wildering mazes lost,” among the overhanging palmetto and juniper
thickets, the alligator eats and sleeps his horrid life away; the
water-moccasin and the mammoth rattlesnake crawl up and coil themselves
upon the fallen and decaying trees; while upon the cone-shaped suckers
of the cypress, which rise out of the water to the height of from one to
ten feet, the heron and crane and other aquatic birds sit and watch for
their fishy or reptile prey. So closely matted is the foliage on the
horizontal limbs far above that there is a twilight gloom in these
forests even when the sun is brightly shining; and as you pass along in
a rude canoe, you may see a vine big as the cable of a ship sweeping up
like a serpent into the top of a great cypress, as if to take its life,
while another will dart across from limb to limb as if pursuing a
phantom bird, and others will come gracefully bending down to within
your reach, as if tempting you to make a leap and swing yourself to
sleep. At times a mouldy and oppressive odour, born of the rotting trees
and the rank green mosses which cover them, pervades the entire
atmosphere; but near by you find a cluster of magnolia trees in full
bloom, and as you approach you will be quite overpowered by their
intense fragrance, placed there, it may be, by the kindly hand of Nature
as an antidote to the odours just inhaled. But the deepest impressions
are those of grandeur and gloom; and when you gaze upon the marvellously
beautiful flowers which hang in festoons on every side, they have a kind
of spectral hue, and seem to implore you to carry them away from the
surrounding desolation.
To witness the most extensive cypress forest in the South, the traveller
has only to keep his eyes open while passing down the Lower Alabama.
Here the country is a dead level for one or two hundred miles, the woods
forming a dark and almost solid wall on either side of the river,
fringed at the base by a line of jungle or cane-brake, with nothing to
relieve the intense monotony but the wild-fowl which cover the waters,
the columns of smoke from invisible steamboats (hidden by the bends in
the river), and the rude cabins, at distant intervals, of the
wood-choppers or hunters. A sail down the Alabama on a still but cloudy
night, when no sounds are heard but the rumbling of the passing steamer
and the scream of the bittern, is well calculated to give the thoughtful
tourist a new sensation, if not some new ideas; and should he happen to
approach Mobile in the midst of a brilliant sunset, as I once did, when
the boundless sea of woods partook of the golden and crimson dyes of the
sky, he will be apt to fancy that the gloom of his sail down the river
was but a dream.
The general description given of the cypress swamps will answer very
well for any particular locality, for there is a great sameness in them;
but if called upon to designate some favourite specimens, I should
mention those of the Pascagoula and the Great Pedee, the borders of the
great Okefinokee Swamp, the Dismal Swamp of Virginia, and one or two in
Louisiana, where the magnificent cotton-wood disputes the supremacy with
the cypress. But there is one spot in Florida where the Spirit of Beauty
has made a successful effort to thwart the depressing influences of the
cypress; and that is at the head of the Wakulla river, where may be
found, completely surrounded by a cypress forest, the most beautiful
fountain in the world, undoubtedly—four hundred feet in width, one
hundred and fifty feet deep, and so perfectly pure that a penny, on a
still day, may be seen on its white bottom, where the alligator and many
varieties of fish live and multiply, while all around its shores aquatic
birds without number seem to enjoy a perennial elysium.
But it is time that we should be “coming out of the wilderness.” We
might give a general account of the cotton-wood forests of the Lower
Mississippi, and notice some of the wonderful doings of that river in
submerging that whole region of country; and also touch upon the
bottom-land forests of the Central Mississippi and the Illinois, both of
which we have explored; and it would afford us pleasure to descant upon
the lordly pasture-oaks of Massachusetts, the American and English elms
of Connecticut, New Hampshire, and New York, and by way of variety tell
what we know of the larch or tamarack swamps on the borders of Lake
Superior. Before concluding our Forest Recollections, however, we must
pay a passing tribute to the woods of Michigan. I claim for this State
at least one kind of forest which was not found in the same kind of
perfection in any other State. I mean its beautiful oak-openings. Even
when the country was a wilderness, they had all the appearance of being
cultivated, and hence the peculiar pleasure which they afforded to the
toiling exiles from the Eastern States. The trees were not large, but
picturesque in form; and scattered as they were over a rolling country
covered with grass and without any undergrowth, beaten roads were not a
necessity; so that horsemen, as well as the wagons of the pioneers, were
free to roam wherever fancy led. Alternating as they did with small
prairies and lakes of great beauty, their influences upon the traveller
were altogether cheerful; and when overtaken by the tide of
civilisation, the log-cabins first erected among them became the most
agreeable little homes in the world, and it was a long time before the
deer and the turkey would consent to abandon their sunny feeding-lands.
These oak-openings invited the emigrant to stop and pitch his tent under
their cooling shadows, and, if they did not grant him the richest soil
to be found, thus lessened his labours as a husbandman. So much for the
past, but on opening our eyes to the realities of the present, when the
autumnal sun is shining, we behold this region of country, for the most
part, waving with wheat and corn, and the cooing of the dove or the song
of the whip-poor-will superseded by the whistle of the savage
locomotive. Kindred changes have also taken place in the
heavily-timbered districts of Michigan and the adjoining States on the
south. The forests which covered this whole region, taken in the
aggregate, were formerly unsurpassed in their grandeur and beauty, their
variety and usefulness. All the trees which sprung from the black mould
of this wilderness attained to the most complete perfection: the black
walnut contested with the foreign mahogany in beautifying the abodes of
the wealthy; the white oak, as well as the black, the yellow and
burr-oak, joined the live-oak in making the most perfect ships; the
hickory threw down for all who would gather them its delectable nuts;
the maple yielded its stores of sugar in defiance of the cane of the
South; the white poplar, the sycamore, the linn, and basswood, allowed
themselves to be formed into huge canoes, whereby the pioneers might
navigate the streams; and with them all, each with its useful mission,
grew in abundance the elm, the ash, and the beech, the buckeye and the
butternut, while mammoth grape-vines and the mistletoe did their best to
make them beautiful. And with what a variety of sports were they
associated. Here the red deer was blinded by the cruel flambeau: the
bear was smoked out of his hiding-place in the hollow tree; the wolf was
baited and slaughtered in spite of his howling; the black and grey
squirrels were “barked” off the trees by the thousand; the wild turkeys
were followed to their high roosts at midnight and picked off with the
unerring rifle; and when the wild pigeons commenced their annual
migrations, there was great glee among the urchins of the land, who were
wont to kill them with common clubs, until what began as sport ended as
mere labour. Nor should we omit in this list the fascinating hunt after
the honey of the wild bee. Fruitful and grand as were these primeval
forests of the West, there were times when they became impotent under
the superior forces of fire and the hurricane. I have seen them on an
autumnal night, after a long drought, when every tree seemed a column of
solid fire, and sheets of flames swept shrieking into the upper air, the
wild beasts fleeing for their lives, and puny man wondering what would
be the end of the great calamity. And when came the summer hurricane,
clearing a direct pathway across the solid woods, breaking and twisting
and laying low upon the earth the most gigantic trees, the spectacle was
marvellous to behold, inspiring terror in the stoutest heart, and
proclaiming in thunder-tones the existence of a ruling and omnipotent
Power.
The foregoing bird’s-eye view of the forests we have seen does not, we
regret to say, comprise the great pine and red-wood of California and
Oregon: of them we can only repeat what the travellers tell us,—that
they are the wonder of the world. We now invite our readers to join us
in a retrospective view of our extensive and superb country as it
appears to the mind’s eye in the light of the olden times.
When white men first landed upon our shores, they found shelter from the
summer’s heat and the winter’s cold in forests whose very shadows at the
sunset hours mingled with the surges of the Atlantic. Far as their
visions could penetrate they beheld a wilderness of woods, and they were
deeply impressed with the imposing aspects of Nature as she revealed the
wonders of her luxuriance; and, though undiscovered and unexplored,
there then existed an almost boundless domain of forest. Excepting one
single but truly extensive section of prairie or desert land, lying
westward of the centre, the country was then all forest, from the
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and from Lake Superior and its daughter
seas to the Gulf of Mexico. Our country was then an empire of monarchs,
throned upon a thousand mountains and in a thousand valleys, and their
diadems of luxuriant green, leafy and fragrant, were oftentimes bathed
in the clouds of heaven, and burnished to surpassing brilliancy by the
sunbeams. The forests which then existed were well-nigh as aged as the
world itself—primeval in all their features. Like the antediluvians,
the trees which composed them were buffeted by the storms of centuries,
but remained virtually uninjured and unchanged; they were, in truth, the
emblems of superior might and power. Indeed, then as now, only a portion
of them were subject to the destroying and regenerating influences of
the seasons; for, while the forests of the South were bright with a
perpetually verdant foliage and extensively laden with fruit, the
evergreens of the North afforded a comfortable shelter from the snows
and winds to the human and subordinate denizens of the wilderness-world.
Aside, too, from their immense extent, their magnificence and strength,
these forests were remarkable for their density, since we have every
reason to believe that but for the intervening streams they presented
continuous fields of foliage, receding to the four corners of the
horizon. Hence the gloom and solitude which ever pervaded their
recesses. And when we think of them brooding under the pall of night, in
the mellow light of the moon and stars, or swaying to and fro, and
moaning, as it were, under the influences of summer and winter storms,
we become impressed with emotions that are truly sublime.
And as we turn from the remote past, and come down to recent times, how
are we impressed with the numerous revealings of science in connection
with the forest world! But even those revealings are involved in
mystery. For example, the fact is known to all that when a primeval
forest has been destroyed, and the land is left undisturbed, a new and
totally different growth of trees takes the place of the old. In the
place of the pine come the oak and the chestnut, although the latter may
never before have been known in that particular region. Where formerly
deciduous trees grew and flourished, we now find nothing but members of
the cedar family; and so on with many other varieties of trees. To my
mind the natural history of this country does not possess any more
interesting and wonderful phenomena.
But there was also much of the beautiful and the peaceful associated
with the forests of the olden times. How could it have been otherwise,
since it is evermore the province and the delight of our mother Nature
to fill the hearts of her children with love rather than with terror and
awe? Flowers of loveliest hue and sweetest fragrance nestled in
countless numbers around the serpent roots of every patriarchal tree;
vines of every size and every shade of emerald encircled with their
delicate tendrils the trees which they had been taught to love; and when
the lightning chanced to make a breach in the continuous woods, these
vines ventured boldly into the sunshine and linked together the adjacent
masses of foliage; and everywhere were the rank and damp but velvety
mosses clinging to the upright trees, and battening upon those which
were fallen and going to decay, and covering, as with a mantle, every
rock and stony fragment within their reach. And there, too, were the
streams which watered this great forest-world, sometimes miles in width
and thousands of miles in length, and sometimes of such limited
dimensions as only to afford bathing-places for the wild-fowl and her
brood. But they were all beautiful, for their waters were translucent to
a degree that we seldom witness in these days, and their chief enjoyment
was to mirror the flowers and drooping boughs that fringed their
borders, as well as the skies which bent over a land of uninterrupted
peace. And throughout the length and breadth of this great silvan domain
was perpetually heard the singing of unnumbered birds, which built their
nests wherever they listed, while none were there to molest or make them
afraid. Of four-footed creatures, too, the primeval forests harboured
immense numbers, like the forest trees themselves, they flourished and
multiplied, and with them, with the birds, the streams, the flowers, and
the combined magnificence of Nature, they performed their secret
ministry of good for the benefit of the aborigines who had inherited
this matchless wilderness directly from the all-wise Creator.
And what were the human figures which naturally made their appearance in
the picture we have drawn? The smoke from Indian wigwams arose from
unnumbered valleys and the sides of unnumbered mountains; and as the
products of the forest trees were more than sufficient to gratify every
necessity, the aborigines had nothing to do but pursue the even tenor of
their lives in contentment and peace. For shelter, when the woods
themselves did not suffice, they resorted to their rude bark wigwams;
for food, to the simple arts of the chase and the fruits of the land;
for clothing, to the skins of captured animals; for religion, to the
Great Spirit whom they beheld in the elements, the heavens and the
revolving seasons; and for unalloyed happiness to the Spirit of Freedom
which canopied their forest home. But, alas! like the aborigines, the
glorious forests of America are rapidly passing away, withering year by
year from off the face of the earth; and while we would implore the
devotees of Mammon to spare, as far as possible, the beauties of our
forest land, we would repeat the appeal to Providence of the
forest-loving Bryant, when he says that, for many years to come,
“Be it ours to meditate
In these calm shades Thy milder majesty,
And to the beautiful order of Thy works
Learn to conform the order of our lives.”
THE HUNTERS OF THE SEA-ELEPHANT.
“That’s a ship from Desolation, and she’s full of elephant oil!” The
words were spoken by an old skipper, with whom the writer had been upon
a fishing cruise in Long Island Sound, and they were prompted by the
sight of a storm-beaten vessel passing into the beautiful harbour of New
London. The return of the ship after a long voyage I could readily
understand, but the place and the commodity alluded to were to me
involved in mystery. The brief explanation which followed from the
skipper only tended to increase my interest in his casual remark; nor
was it lessened when he told me that the Desolation Islands were more
nearly identified with New London than with any other seaport in the
country. In a short time, therefore, after my return from fishing, I was
busy among the ancient mariners of the town, asking them questions, and
recording their replies.
In the South Atlantic or Indian Ocean, about midway between the Cape of
Good Hope and the western coast of Australia, are located two islands,
lonely and inhospitable, and nearly three thousand miles from the
nearest continent. One of them bears the name of Kerguelen’s Land, and
the other that of Heard’s Island; and although not very near neighbours,
they are known to the men “who go down to the sea in ships,” as the
Desolation Islands. The first mentioned of these was discovered by a
lieutenant in the French navy, named Kerguelen, in 1772, and for his
service he was promoted to the command of a frigate. He re-visited the
new land in 1773, gave it the name of La Fortune, and reported to his
Government that he had discovered a new continent, in which opinion he
was of course mistaken. Its exact location is lat. 49 S., long. 70 E. In
1777 the famous navigator Cook, by direction of the English Government,
also visited this island; he gave its principal bays and headlands the
names which they have since borne; and he made the assertion that, if it
had not already received the name of its discoverer, he would be
inclined to call it the Land of Desolation. The other island to which we
have alluded lies about one hundred and eighty miles south-east of
Kerguelen’s Land, and although actually discovered by a Boston navigator
named Heard in 1853, while on his way to Australia, the first man who
set foot upon it was Captain E. Darwin Rogers, of New London; and the
man who brought away from each of the two islands in question the first
cargoes of oil, was Captain Franklin F. Smith, also of New London. The
log-books and private journals of these men have been placed in my
possession, as well as the journal of Captain Henry Rogers, who was one
of a small party that first spent a winter upon Heard’s Island; and it
is from these original records that the following facts have been
chiefly compiled.
The most complete account of Kerguelen’s Land comes to me from Captain
Smith, and a word or two about the man himself should not be omitted in
this place. He was born in New London in 1804, and before completing his
thirteenth year became a sailor in a coasting vessel. In 1822 he went
upon a whaling voyage to Patagonia; and on being promoted to the command
of a ship in 1831, he entered upon a series of voyages which have been
pronounced the most successful in the annals of whaling. The names of
his vessels were the “Florio,” “Julius Cæsar,” “Tuscarora,” and the
“Chelsea;” and in the course of ten years he made nine voyages, the
first seven of them yielding 16,154 barrels of whale oil, and 1147
barrels of sperm, the total value of which, according to present prices,
and without counting extras, would amount to about six hundred and fifty
thousand dollars. These voyages were made in behalf of N. and W. W.
Billings, and of Williams and Haven. During four of them his wife
accompanied him in his explorations around the globe; and his only
daughter was born at sea, receiving the name of the ship in which the
event occurred. He also had a number of sons, one of whom acquired
distinction as a whaleman; and four brothers, who were all
whale-hunters. One of them was killed while fighting one of the ocean
monsters in the Pacific Ocean; and another was successful in the same
sphere of enterprise. He made a number of voyages to Kerguelen’s Land,
and, as already stated, he was the first American who brought any oil
from that remote region in 1837; and now, reserving some other
particulars about him for another place, I come to his description of
the island.
It is about one hundred miles long, and perhaps sixty wide, and reputed
to be the most barren spot in either hemisphere. It is of volcanic
origin, rises in some places in terraces to the height of three thousand
feet above the sea, with one pointed peak said to be nearly six thousand
feet high; contains a number of lofty and picturesque headlands; is
indented with bays or fiords, some of which nearly cross the island, and
to the geologist it is especially interesting, as containing in its
igneous formations a large amount of fossil wood and coal. Small rocky
islands, to the number of three hundred, surround it on all sides; and
yet it has several first-rate harbours. During the entire year, the
higher lands are covered with ice and snow, which, with the fogs and
winds, dispute the honour of making the place desolate in the extreme.
The vegetation, which is very limited, is antarctic; and although
scientific men have described one hundred and fifty species of plants,
the ordinary observer would only be attracted by four—a kind of
saxifrage, a plant resembling the cabbage, a variety of coarse grass,
and a plant belonging to the cress family. As to trees, there is not one
to be found, and it is not probable that any ever grew on the island.
But the sea-weeds which fringe the shores of the entire island are
particularly rich and rare, some of them growing to the enormous length
of sixty feet. Of quadrupeds it is entirely destitute. In the way of
birds, it is frequented by a few gulls, now and then by an albatross,
and by penguins in the greatest abundance. In olden times, such portions
of the coast as were accessible were frequented by several kinds of
seals, and also by the sea-elephant; but they are now becoming scarce.
There are no permanent inhabitants on the island; and since it has
ceased, for the most part, to afford a profitable supply of oil, it is
chiefly interesting to seafaring men in these latter days as a secure
rendezvous when overtaken by foul weather in their lone wanderings
around the globe. During the period when England enjoyed the monopoly of
killing seals on this island for their furs alone, it was estimated that
the yield was about one million skins per annum.
But it is of Heard’s Island that I desire especially to speak at
present. It is about eighteen miles long, and perhaps six or seven wide;
and, by right of discovery, is an American possession. For many years
the merchants of New London cherished the belief that there was land
somewhere south of Kerguelen’s Island, for in no other way could their
captains account for the continuous supply of the sea-elephant on its
shores. As long ago as 1849 Captain Thomas Long, then of the “Charles
Carroll,” reported to the owners of his ship that he had seen land from
the mast-head, while sailing south of Kerguelen’s Land; but Captain
Heard has received the credit of the discovery, although he did not land
upon the island. The man who first did this was Captain E. Darwin
Rogers. He was on a cruise after sperm whale; his ship was the
“Corinthian,” and he had three tenders; and his employers were Perkins
and Smith—the same Smith already mentioned. Captain Rogers commemorated
his success by an onslaught upon the sea-elephants, which he found very
numerous on the shore; and after securing four hundred barrels of oil,
improved the first opportunity to inform his employers of what he had
done, urging them not only to keep the information secret, but to
despatch another vessel to the newly-discovered island. When the news
reached New London, Perkins and Smith were without a ship or a suitable
captain for the enterprise. The second member of the firm had long
before given up the sea, and was hoping to spend the remainder of his
days at home in the quiet enjoyment of an ample fortune. But the
temptation was strong, and he yielded. The firm purchased a ship at
once, and the moment she was equipped, Captain Smith took command, and
sailed for Heard’s Island. With Captain Darwin Rogers as his right-hand
man he fully explored the island, named all its headlands and bays and
other prominent features, made a map of it, and succeeded in filling all
his vessels with oil. Two exploits which he performed with the
assistance of his several crews, are worth mentioning. At one point,
which he called the Seal Rookery, they slaughtered five hundred of these
animals, and, as was afterwards found, thereby exterminated the race in
that locality! and they performed the marvellous labour of rolling three
thousand barrels of elephant oil a distance of three miles, across a
neck of the island, from one shore to another where their vessels were
anchored. The ship which he himself commanded returned in safety to New
London with a cargo of oil valued at one hundred and thirty thousand
dollars, one-half of which was his property. On reaching the dock he was
warmly congratulated by his numerous friends; was informed that the
books of his firm never told a better story than they did then, and that
good news had been received from thirteen of their whale-ships, which
were homeward bound from the Pacific and Arctic Seas. In addition to all
this, he found that two farms which he owned had increased in value, and
that the ten or twelve thousand dollars he had invested in erecting the
Pequot House, since become famous as a summer resort, would probably pay
him a handsome interest. But as the wheel of fortune would have it, in
six months from the date of his arrival home from Heard’s Island he had
lost his entire property. The blow was terrible, and a desolation of
heart fell upon him, which could not but remind him of the Desolation
Islands in the Indian Sea. After resting upon his oars for a few years,
he made one desperate effort in 1862 to retrieve his fortunes, but the
tide was still against him, and he was unsuccessful. His friends
furnished him with a new ship, and he went upon another voyage to the
Desolation Islands. Having secured a good cargo of whale and elephant
oil, the ship was wrecked on a reef off the Seychelle Islands, after
which he obtained a passage to Mauritius, and by way of London,
Liverpool, and New York, returned to New London, where he subsequently
resided, a worthy and much respected, but disappointed man.
But it is time that we should be giving our readers an idea of the
physical characteristics of Heard’s Island. It is in reality an ice
island, with only enough of solid land visible at different points to
prove that it is not an iceberg. From the centre of it there rises, to
the height of at least five thousand feet, a broad-breasted mountain,
which is known to be perpetually covered with ice and snow, and its
sides and summits are so cold and desolate that no living creature has
ever been seen to harbour there, excepting the albatross. Some of the
points or headlands, which are found along its eastern shore, rise out
of the sea in the form of perpendicular cliffs, and Captain Darwin
Rogers alleges that he was once at anchor near one of these cliffs for
an entire month without obtaining a view of the summit; and also that
during that period his ship on several occasions was felt to quiver from
stem to stern in a very frightful manner, the cause of which, as he
subsequently ascertained, was the falling of immense blocks of ice from
the cliffs into the sea. Alternating with those huge bulwarks of ice are
some of the most beautiful beaches of black sand, where the surf
perpetually rolls up fresh from the South Pole. The only fish found
along its shores is called the night-fish, and resembles the cod. There
is not a tree or shrub on the island, and the vegetation is so limited
that only two varieties are ever mentioned in the journals before us,
viz., a coarse kind of tussock grass and the wild cabbage. The birds are
about the same as those found on Kerguelen’s Land, viz., gulls,
“mollymokes” or penguins, cape pigeons, and the albatross. In the way of
mammals it boasts of but one creature alone, and that is the
sea-elephant, but for this it is the most profitable hunting-ground in
the world.
What the lion is to the common cat, the sea-elephant or _Morunga
proboscidea_ is to the seal—the mammoth representative. Though not
uniform in size, they frequently attain a length of thirty feet, and a
circumference of fifteen or eighteen feet, the blubber of a single
individual sometimes yielding three hundred gallons of oil, which is
considered more valuable than that of the whale. The grown males have an
elongated snout, which gives them the name they bear; their teeth are
short and deeply rooted, the molars small and pointed, the canines very
large, and the power of their jaws so great that an angry male elephant
has been known to seize a dead comrade weighing a ton and toss him a
considerable distance as a dog would a rat. When quite young they are
called silver grey pups from their colour, but as they mature they
become brown, the males inclining to a dark blue, and the females to a
yellow shade; their home is the sea, but they have a fashion of spending
much of their time upon the shore, occasionally going inland two or
three miles and luxuriating in fresh-water marshes; they are sluggish in
their movements, and somewhat stupid, and in certain localities they
congregate in large herds or corrals; their tongues are used by the
sailors as a welcome delicacy, and by the Yankee boys frequently worked
into mince pies; the scraps which are left after the blubber has been
“tried out” are employed as fuel, with which the trying-out process is
conducted; their food is supposed to consist chiefly of cuttle-fish and
sea-weed, and the instrument employed in killing them is a sharp lance,
which penetrates the throat and causes them to bleed to death. In sailor
parlance, the old males are called beach-masters and bulls, and the
females pupping-cows and brown cows. During the season of courtship the
bulls fight desperately with each other, uttering a kind of roar, and
inflicting fearful wounds, while the lady elephants, in groups of from
fifteen to twenty, look on in dignified silence and satisfaction, as if
ready, with expanded flippers, to welcome the victor into their midst.
The mothers usually remain in charge of their young about two months,
and during all that time it is said that the lord of each harem occupies
a convenient eminence, with his head generally toward the sea, and acts
as sentinel to prevent the mothers from abandoning their young, or to
protect his favourites from the ungallant assaults of any roving
individuals. The number of these animals which annually resort to
Heard’s Island, coming from unknown regions, is truly immense. In former
times, the men who hunted them invariably spared all the cubs they met
with, but in these latter days the young and old are slaughtered
indiscriminately! We can give no figures as to the total yield of
elephant oil in this particular locality, but we know that the men who
follow the business lead a most fatiguing and wild life, and well
deserve the largest profits they can make. While Kerguelen’s Land is the
place where the ships of the elephant-hunters spend the summer months,
which season is literally the “winter of their discontent,” it is upon
Heard’s Island that the big game is chiefly, if not exclusively, found.
Then it is that gangs of men have the hardihood to build themselves rude
cabins upon the island, and there spend the entire winter. Among those
who first exiled themselves to this land of fogs and snow and stormy
winds, was one Captain Henry Rogers, then serving as first mate; and
from his journal, which he kept during this period, we may obtain a
realising sense of the loneliness and hardships of the life to which
Americans, for the love of gain, willingly subject themselves in the
far-off Indian Ocean.
Having taken a glance at the leading men who identified themselves with
the Desolation Islands, and also at the physical peculiarities of those
islands, we propose to conclude this sketch with a running account of
Captain Henry Rogers’s adventures during his winter on Heard’s Island.
He left New London in the brig “Zoe,” Captain James Rogers master,
October 26, 1856, and arrived at the place of destination February 13,
1857. For about five weeks after their arrival the crew was kept very
busy in rafting to the brig several hundred barrels of oil, which had
already been prepared and left over by the crew of a sister vessel, and
on the 22d of March the wintering gang, with Captain Henry Rogers as
their leader, proceeded to move their plunder to the shore, and when
that work was completed the brig sailed for the Cape of Good Hope. The
gang consisted of twenty-five men, and after building their house, which
was merely a square excavation on the ground, covered with boards, and
made air-tight with moss and snow, they proceeded to business. Those who
were expert with the lance did most of the killing; the coopers hammered
away at their barrels; and, as occasions demanded, all hands
participated in skinning the huge sea-elephants, or cutting off the
blubber in pieces of about fifteen pounds each, and then, on their
backs, or on rude sledges, transporting it to the trying works, where it
was turned into the precious oil. Not a day was permitted to pass
without “bringing to bag” a little game, and the number of elephants
killed ranged from three to as high a figure as forty. According to the
record, if one day out of thirty happened to be bright and pleasant, the
men were thankful; for the regularity with which rain followed snow, and
the fogs were blown about by high winds, was monotonous beyond
conception. And when night came, and the monotonous suppers were packed
away, the stories which followed were monotonous, and as the tired men
wrapped themselves in their blankets for the night, there was a monotony
in their very dreams—but they were of home—of wives and children and
friends—far, far away, over illimitable sea—and that was a monotony
which they enjoyed. When one of these men chanced to be wakeful at the
hour of midnight, and went forth from the pent-up cabin to enjoy the
fresh air, or to commune with himself, how must the blackness of
darkness, and the wild wailing of the ocean, mingled with the screams of
the penguins, or the moon and stars shining in their marvellous beauty
on the tranquil deep, have filled him with awe! The great waves,
perhaps, like beasts of prey, came careering out of the abyss of space,
and as they dashed and perished against the icy cliffs, would give an
unearthly howl, which the winds carried entirely across the island, only
to be welcomed by an answering roar from the waves on the opposite
shore.
Month after month passes away, and there is no cessation in the labours
of the elephant-hunters. Mist and snow and slaughter, the packing of
oil, hard bread and bad beef, fatigue and heavy slumbers—these are the
burthen of their song of life. Those who chance to remember with
pleasure the sound of Sabbath bells may cherish a Sabbath feeling in
their hearts, but while their children are in attendance at the
Sunday-school, in the far-off New England church, stern necessity
compels them, with lance in hand, to do battle with the sea-elephant.
But when the anniversary of their National Independence arrives, they
must needs devote one hour of their precious time to the bidding of
their patriotism, notwithstanding the fact that their cabin may be
covered with snow, and a snow-storm raging. With the aid of their
pistols for muskets, and a hole in a rock for artillery, they fire a
national salute; with a tin pan for a kettle-drum, and a piece of wire
for a triangle, they have an abundant supply of music; forming
themselves into a procession, they march with stately pace in front of a
snow-drift, instead of a grand hotel; and with the tongue of an elephant
for roast beef, and some ginger-pop for Catawba wine, they have a
glorious feast, and leaving their bunting to flap itself into a wet rag
over their island home, they pick up their lances and are soon busy
again among the elephant herds. Another month, and perhaps two more have
passed away, when lo! there comes the brig again, with the latest news
from the Cape of Good Hope, but with nothing new from dear New England.
The vessel drops her anchor; in a few weeks she is filled to the brim,
by rafting and boating, with the barrels of oil which have been
collected during the long and tedious winter (misnamed summer), and on
the approach of Christmas the sails of the brig are again unfurled, and
away she goes, homeward bound; and at sunset, on 3d April 1858, the
keeper of the Montauk Light points to the south-east, and says to his
wife: “There comes a brig from the Desolation Islands!”
PETER PITCHLYNN THE INDIAN SCHOLAR.
When Mr. Charles Dickens first visited this country, he met upon a
steamboat, on the Ohio river, a noted Choctaw chief, with whom he had
the pleasure of a long conversation. In the _American Notes_ we find an
agreeable account of this interview, in which the Indian is described as
a remarkably handsome man, and, with his black hair, aquiline nose,
broad cheek-bones, sun-burnt complexion, and bright, keen, dark and
piercing eye, as stately and complete a gentleman of nature’s making as
the author ever beheld. That man was Peter P. Pitchlynn. Of all the
Indian tribes which acknowledge the protecting care of the American
Government, there are none that command more respect than the Choctaws,
and among their leading men there is not one more deserving of notice by
the public at large than the subject of this chapter. Merely as a
romantic story, the leading incidents of his life cannot but be read
with interest, and as a contribution to American history, obtained from
the man himself, they are worthy of being recorded.
His father was a white man, of a fighting stock, noted for his bravery
and forest exploits, and an interpreter under commission from General
Washington, while his mother was a Choctaw. He was born in the Indian
town of Hush-ook-wa, now Noxabee county in the State of Mississippi,
January 30, 1806. He commenced life by performing the duties of a
cow-boy, and when old enough to bend a bow, or hold a rifle to his
shoulder, he became a hunter, roaming the forests for game, and
unconsciously filling his mind with the refining influences of nature.
At the councils of his nation, however, he sometimes made his appearance
as a looker-on, and once, when a member of the tribe, who had been
partially educated in New England, was seen to write a letter to
President Monroe, Pitchlynn resolved that he would himself become a
scholar. The nearest school to his father’s log cabin was at that time
two hundred miles off, among the hills of Tennessee, and to that he was
despatched after the usual manner of such important undertakings. As the
only Indian boy at this school, he was talked about and laughed at, and
within the first week after his admission he found it necessary to give
the “bully” of the school a severe thrashing, thereby gratifying the
public generally, and causing his antagonist to be expelled. At the end
of the first quarter he returned to his home in Mississippi, where he
found his people negotiating a treaty with the General Government; on
which occasion he made himself notorious by refusing to shake the hand
of Andrew Jackson, the negotiator, because, in his boyish wisdom, he
considered the treaty an imposition upon the Choctaws. Nor did he ever
change his opinion on that score. His second step in the path of
education was taken at the Academy of Columbia, in Tennessee, and he
graduated at the University of Nashville. Of this institution General
Jackson was a trustee, and on recognising young Pitchlynn, during an
official visit to the College, he remembered the demonstration which the
boy had made on their first meeting, and by treating him with kindness,
changed the old feeling of animosity to that of warm personal
friendship, which lasted until the death of the famous Tennesseean.
On his return to Mississippi our hero settled upon a prairie, which
became known by his name, and became a farmer, but amused himself by an
occasional hunt for the black bear. He erected a comfortable log cabin,
and having won a faithful heart, he caused his marriage ceremony to be
performed in public, and according to the teachings of Christianity, the
Rev. C. Kingsbury being the officiating missionary, a man long endeared
to the Southern Indians, and known as “Father Kingsbury.” As Pitchlynn
was the first man among his people to set so worthy an example, we must
award to him the credit of having given to polygamy its death-blow in
the Choctaw nation, where it had existed from the earliest times.
Another reform which young Pitchlynn had the privilege and sagacity of
inaugurating among his people was in reference to the cause of
Temperance, which had for some years been advocated by an Indian named
David Folsom. In a treaty made in 1820, an article had been introduced
by the Choctaws themselves, prohibiting the sale, by red men as well as
white men, of spirituous liquors within their borders, but up to 1824 it
remained a dead letter. During that year the Council of the Nation
passed a law, organising a corps of light horse, to whom was assigned
the duty of closing all the dram-shops that could be found carrying on
their miserable traffic contrary to treaty stipulations. The command of
this band was assigned to young Pitchlynn, who from that time was
recognised by the title of Captain. In one year from the time he
undertook the difficult task of exterminating the traffic in liquor, he
had successfully accomplished it, but with the loss of a favourite
horse, which was shot down by a drunken Indian. As a reward for his
services he was elected a member of the National Council, being the only
young man thus honoured.
His first proposition, as a member of the National Council, was for the
establishment of a school; and that the students might become familiar
with the customs of the whites, it was decided that it should be located
in a more enlightened community than the Choctaw country. The Choctaw
Academy, thus founded, near Georgetown, Kentucky, and supported by the
funds of the nation, was for many years a monument of their advancing
civilisation. But in a sketch of this kind we cannot pretend to go into
all the particulars of Captain Pitchlynn’s life. We propose only to
glance at a few of his personal adventures in the wilderness, and
conclude our essay with some specimens of his talk respecting the
legendary lore of his people.
One of the most important and romantic incidents in his career grew out
of the policy, on the part of the General Government, for removing the
Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks from their old hunting-grounds to a new
location west of the Mississippi river. At the request and expense of
the United States, a delegation of Indians was appointed in 1828 to go
upon an exploring and peace-making expedition into the Osage country,
and of this party Pitchlynn was appointed the leader. He was gone from
home about six months, and the substance of what he saw, and heard, and
performed, may be stated as follows:—
The delegation consisted of six persons—two from each of the three
tribes interested,—and the first town at which they stopped was
Memphis, before reaching which the more superstitious of the party were
made quite unhappy by the screeching of an owl near their encampment,
while the whole of them suffered much from the want of water. Their next
halt was at St. Louis, where they were supplied with necessaries by the
Indian superintendent; and their last was Independence, which was then a
place of a dozen log-cabins, and where the party received special
civilities from a son of Daniel Boone. On leaving Independence, the
members of the delegation, all well mounted, were joined by an Indian
agent, and their first camp on the broad prairie-land was pitched in the
vicinity of a Shawnee village. This tribe had never come in conflict
with the Choctaws (though the former took the side of Great Britain in
the war of 1812), and, according to custom, a council was convened and
pledges of friendship were renewed by an exchange of wampum and the
delivery of speeches. The sentiments of the Shawnee chief or prophet
were to this effect:—
“Brothers, we have been strangers for a long time. The Great Spirit has
been kind to us, and we are made happy by this meeting. You all know how
we acted in the big war. We were deceived by the bribes of the English,
while you remained friendly to the Americans, and we have paid for our
ignorance. When the earthquake happened in 1811, I thought it was the
voice of the Great Spirit telling our nation to exterminate the white
man; but I was mistaken, and now tell you so. The British were defeated,
and we have been compelled to seek the protection of the Americans,
against whom we have fought. But, what is more, we lost by that war many
of our bravest warriors. Even the great Tecumseh, who was my oldest
brother, was called away to sleep in his grave. This wampum I wish you
to take home and give it to your chiefs; hold it before the eyes of your
warriors, and tell them it is from their ancient friends the Shawnees.
This tobacco which I give you must be smoked by your chiefs in council.
Let the first smoke be in remembrance of the Shawnees; let the second be
for the protection of our wives and children; and when you blow the
third smoke to the sky, they must wish in their hearts that the Great
Spirit will be pleased with this meeting.”
To the above, after the pipe of peace had been duly smoked, Captain
Pitchlynn replied as follows:—“This, chiefs of the Shawnees, is a happy
meeting. It reminds me of the traditions I have heard, and of what my
father has many times told me, that in old times the Shawnees and
Delawares, the Cherokees, Creeks, and Chickasaws, and the Choctaws, all
lived like brothers on their separate hunting-grounds. It was once their
custom to meet often in council and to exchange kind words. But the
pushing of the white men gave all our fathers much trouble, and those
friendly meetings could not be kept up. It is true you took sides with
the British against the Americans, but the Choctaws from the beginning
have been at peace with the United States. On meeting several of our
chiefs in Philadelphia a great many years ago, George Washington, the
President, gave our nation some friendly advice, and we have tried to
remember his words. He told us we must conform as near as possible to
the customs of the white man. We have done so, and the benefit to our
nation has been great. We have always been anxious to preserve peace
with all the Indian tribes, and we are at present on friendly terms with
all of them excepting the Osages. The object of our present expedition
is to make a treaty with them. They have for a long time been our
bitterest enemies, and if we can succeed in our wishes we shall be very
happy not only to smoke your tobacco, but theirs also, when we return to
our country.”
After the ceremony a grand feast was proposed, which took place at a
neighbouring village on the following day, after which the expedition
continued its march towards the Osage country. For a time their course
lay along the famous Santa Fe trail, and then, turning to the
south-west, they journeyed over a beautiful country of rolling prairies
skirted with timber, until they came to an Osage village located on a
bluff of the Osage river. The delegation came to a halt within a short
distance of the village, and quietly tying their horses, proceeded to
make themselves comfortable. For several days the Osages showed signs of
their original enmity, and refused to meet the strangers in council; and
as it was well known that several Osages had recently been killed by a
wandering band of Choctaws, the probability of hostilities and an
attempted surprise was quite apparent. At the rising and the setting of
the sun, the entire body of Osages joined in a song of invocation,
commencing with a low moaning strain and ending with loud yells and
whoops. The delegation consulted seriously, and the mooted question was,
“Shall we propose a treaty of peace, or shall we retreat?” to which the
unanimous response was, “We will propose a treaty of peace, or die in
the attempt.” The proposal was made; after a long delay the Osages
agreed to meet the delegation in general council; and Captain Pitchlynn
stated that he and his party were the first Choctaws who had ever met
the Osages with peaceful intentions; they had travelled over two
thousand miles by the advice of the United States Government, in order
to propose to the Osages a treaty of perpetual peace.
To this an orator of the Osages replied: “I am surprised. I never
expected to hear anything from a Choctaw but the war-whoop and the crack
of his rifle. I think you have acted wrong in becoming so friendly with
the President. My wish is to fight on. I do not desire a peace between
the Osages and the Choctaws. The Osages were made to fight by a law of
their fathers. The tribes of the north, of the west, and of the south,
will tell you that we have adhered to this ancient law. The Osages never
sue for peace, and their scalps are always ready for those to take them
who can. I speak for all the warriors present, and have nothing more to
say. We will meet you again to-morrow at noon, and will hear what you
have to say.”
At the appointed time another council was held, and a regular war speech
having been decided upon by the delegation, an effort was made by the
Indian agent and interpreter who accompanied the party to bring about a
spirit of harmony, but their efforts were vain. When the moment arrived,
Captain Pitchlynn, as before, was the only speaker. After casting a
defiant look upon _Belle Oiseau_, the Osage orator, as well as upon the
other Osages present, he proceeded in these words: “After what the Osage
warrior said to us yesterday, we find it very hard to restrain our
ancient animosity. You inform us that by your laws it is your duty to
strike down all who are not Osage Indians. We have no such law. But we
have a law which tells us that we must always strike down an _Osage_
when we meet him. I know not what war-paths you may have followed west
of the Big River, but I very well know that the smoke of our council
fires you have never seen, and we live on the other side of the Big
River. Our soil has never been tracked by an Osage excepting when he was
a prisoner. I will not, like you, speak boastingly of the many war-paths
we have been upon. I am in earnest, and can only say that our last
war-path, if you will have it so, has brought us to the Osage country
and to this village. Our warriors at home would very well like to obtain
a few hundred of your black locks, for it is by such trophies that they
obtain their names. I mention these things to prove that we have some
ancient laws as well as yourselves, and that we, too, were made to
fight. Adhere to the laws of your fathers, refusing the offer for peace
that we have made, and you must bear the consequences. We are a little
band now before you, but we are not afraid to speak our minds. Our
contemplated removal from our old country to the sources of the Arkansas
and Red Rivers will bring us within two hundred miles of your nation,
and when that removal takes place, we will not finish building our
cabins before you shall hear the whoop of the Choctaws and the crack of
their rifles. Your warriors will then fall, and your wives and children
shall be taken into captivity. And this work will go on until the Osage
nation is entirely forgotten. You may not believe me, but our numbers
justify the assertion; and it is time that the Indian race should begin
a new kind of life. You say you will not receive the white paper of our
father, the President; and we now tell you that we take back all that we
said yesterday about a treaty of peace. A proposition for peace, if we
are to have it, must now come from the Osages.”
The council adjourned in silence, to meet again at noon on the following
day, when, as before, _Belle Oiseau_ took the lead. He held in his hand
a peace-pipe, which was painted white, and the tips of all the arrows in
his quiver were also stained with white. The substance of his talk was
as follows:—“The Osages have been up all night, considering the words
of the Choctaws and their friends. Your boldness convinces us that you
are speaking the mind of the Great Spirit. Your words sounded like the
war-whoop. We are not afraid of your threats, but you talk like men and
not like children, and we will treat you like men. We are willing to
blot out the war-path, and to make in its place the white path of peace,
upon which our wives and children may travel in safety without fear, and
which will never be stained in blood, nor be obstructed by anything but
the fallen oak or trailing vine, which we can surmount or remove. We
offer the words of truth; we desire to be friends.”
Peace was declared, and a universal shaking of hands succeeded. After
this the whole assembly took their seats again, and a deep silence of
many minutes prevailed; after which _Belle Oiseau_, with flint and
steel, struck a fire, and lighted the pipe of peace. Camp fire was not
used because of its supposed impurity, and on all such important
occasions it was deemed necessary to have the purest fire. The first man
who smoked was the chief _White Hair_, by whom the pipe was turned over
to _Belle Oiseau_, then to the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks, then to
the Indian agent and interpreter and finally to the Osages
promiscuously. A grand feast next followed, and the entire Osage village
during the succeeding night presented as joyous and boisterous an
appearance as _jerked buffalo_ meat and water could inspire. Speeches
made up a large part of the entertainment; and to Captain Pitchlynn was
awarded the honour of delivering the closing argument. He told the
Osages that his people had adopted the customs of civilisation, and were
already reaping much benefit therefrom. They encouraged missionaries,
established schools, and devoted attention to the pursuits of
agriculture and the mechanic arts. He advised the Osages to do the same;
to give up war as an amusement, and the chase as a sole dependence for
food; and then they would become a happy and prosperous people. This was
their only means of preservation from the grasping habits of the white
man. If they would strive for civilisation, the American Government
would treat them with greater kindness; and, though they might throw
away their eagle feathers, and live in permanent cabins, there was no
danger of losing their identity or name. During the last night of these
prolonged festivities a great snow-storm occurred, and on the following
morning, which was particularly mild and brilliant, the prairie on every
side, and as far as the eye could reach, was covered with the pure white
element. While the members of the delegation were making arrangements
for their departure, a large number of the Osages waited upon them to
pay their parting compliments. _Belle Oiseau_ was of the party, and,
with a countenance bespeaking real pleasure, he said that the Great
Spirit had certainly approved of the treaty which had been made, for he
had not only covered the path of the Choctaws with white, but had also
made all the paths of the country white paths of peace. He and a party
of warriors, selected for the purpose, then offered to escort the
delegation to the borders of the Osage country, a distance of one
hundred and fifty miles, which kindness they duly performed. During the
several nights which they spent together before parting, _Belle Oiseau_
was the chief talker, and he did much to entertain the whole party while
seated around their camp-fires by relating what adventures and
traditions he could remember, which he mixed up in the most
miscellaneous manner with facts of aboriginal history. He claimed that
his people were descended from a beaver, and that the Osage hunters
never killed that animal from fear of killing one of their own kindred.
He boasted that if his tribe was not as large as many others, it had
always contained the largest and handsomest men in the world; that their
horses were finer than those owned by the Pawnees and the Comanchees;
that they preferred buffalo meat for food to the fancy things which they
used in the settlements; that the buffalo robe suited them better than
the red blanket; the bow and arrows were better than the rifle or gun;
and he thought their Great Spirit was a better friend to them than the
Great Spirit of the white man, who allowed his children to ruin
themselves by drinking the fire-water.
In returning to their own homes, the Choctaws pursued a southern course,
passed down the Canadian river, the agents leaving them at a point near
Fort Gibson, and so continuing along the valley of the Red River; and as
before stated, after an absence of several months, they all reached
their cabins in safety. The incidents of the homeward journey were in
keeping with the wild and romantic country through which they travelled.
They had some severe skirmishes with the Comanchee Indians, and two of
the party got lost for a time while hunting buffaloes and bears. On one
occasion, when encamped at night on the Canadian, one of the men came
into camp and announced the fact that he had heard a great splashing in
the stream, and he was certain a party of Comanchees were ascending the
river in stolen canoes. Upon examination, however, the red enemies
proved to be a large flock or herd of beavers, both male and female,
which were splashing their way up the river in a very jolly mood, and
uttering meanwhile a guttural noise resembling the human voice. During
this expedition also, Captain Pitchlynn picked up in one of the frontier
cabins a bright little Indian boy, belonging to no particular tribe, as
he said, and carried him to Mississippi, had him educated at the Choctaw
Academy in Kentucky, and that boy is now one of the most eloquent and
faithful preachers to be found in the Choctaw nation. The expedition
here sketched was the first step taken by the Government towards
accomplishing the removal of the Indian tribes eastward of the
Mississippi river, to a new and permanent home in the Far West. The
several tribes, collected on the sources of the Arkansas and Red rivers,
and now living in a happy and progressive community, will probably
number fifty thousand souls. Cherokees, to the number of some eighteen
thousand, and Seminoles, numbering three thousand, have followed their
example; so that while thirty-six hundred of the Southern Indians are
said to be living at the present time in the country where they were
born—the States of Mississippi, Alabama, North Carolina, Georgia, and
Florida,—seventy-one thousand have made themselves a new home westward
of the Mississippi river.
One of the first expeditions performed by Captain Pitchlynn, after his
people had emigrated to the west, was one of exploration. He did not
exactly like the place on the Arkansas where he had built his first
cabin, and with a party of five men, and a slave-boy named Solomon to
lead his pack-horse, he crossed a range of mountains and visited the Red
River valley. They took no provisions with them, but counted on a full
supply of game. The trail which they followed took them into the midst
of very grand and wild scenery, but when about half way across, the
equinoctial gale commenced, and the rain came down in torrents for three
days and nights without ceasing for a single moment. During that whole
time they were without fire, wet to the skin, and entirely without food.
On the fourth day the clouds dispersed, and even the bright sunlight
could not bring his companions out of the savage mood into which they
had fallen. They said they knew they must die, and would do nothing to
help themselves. With his own hands he built a large fire, and only
asked the men to keep it up, and he would go after some food. He had
always confided in a superintending Providence, and that occasion was
only one of many which he has always delighted to mention in
confirmation of his faith. Having thoroughly dried his rifle, he went
forth, and in less than twenty minutes after leaving camp he had killed
a deer. The report of the gun attracted the men, when they came to his
help, and the deer was taken to camp. The entire night was spent in
feasting, and by the morning not a fragment of the venison was left. The
next day, one of the party killed a turkey, and some fish were penned up
and caught in a small mountain stream. The next night, Pitchlynn had a
dream, in which he was told that a calamity had occurred in his family.
Though not a believer in dreams, this one troubled him, and he resolved
to return at once and give up any further explorations. He did so, and
while crossing the _O-kai-mi-shi_ he was convinced that this river had a
right to its name, which means _the gathering waters_; and on reaching
the Indian settlement he found that every member of his family, and all
his slaves, were very sick with the fever of the country, and that the
floods had been so great that a large proportion of his cattle had been
drowned, and all the people were suffering from a storm which has never
been equalled in the Choctaw country since that time.
It was about this time also that, while spending the night entirely
alone with his horse, on a large prairie, that he witnessed a great
shower of falling stars. To him, on that occasion, there was no such
thing as sound in all the world, and the very flowers which peered
duskily above the surrounding grasses were without the slightest motion;
and then it was that the glory of the heavens came down upon the
earth—a marvel and a mystery. That he was greatly alarmed, or rather
astonished, cannot be denied, but he has said the utter loneliness of
feeling which overcame him at the time was never equalled in any of his
subsequent wanderings. If astonished at that time, not less was he in
1834, during the total eclipse of the sun. He had gone down the Red
River in a flat-boat, and having sold her at a certain point, started
for home by a direct though blind route across the country. He had
several companions, and at high noon, while crossing an extensive piece
of bottom-land, very heavily timbered, the darkness began to develop
itself. As it increased, and could not be accounted for, his friends
became greatly alarmed, but for himself, he suspected the real cause.
The birds stopped singing and retired to their places of repose, and
ever and anon an owl, on noiseless wing, winnowed across their pathway.
The gloom increased, and now there came stealing through the intricate
woods a strange wild scream, and the men wondered what a woman could be
doing in such a dreadful place. The scream soon gave place to a whine,
attended by a mysterious scratching noise, when lo! two panthers could
be seen leaping from limb to limb, and cutting a thousand antics, as if
gloating over their intended victims, or manifesting their anger at the
strange doings of the sun. In this manner, for nearly half a mile, were
the Choctaws attended, and the feline companions only disappeared,
without doing any harm, as the sun again made his appearance in the blue
above.
In 1834 the health of Captain Pitchlynn became so feeble on account of
the anxieties and troubles attending the removal of the nation westward,
that his friends told him something must be done for its restoration, if
possible, and he decided to go upon a buffalo-hunt. He was accompanied
by ten friends and a negro boy, was absent on the prairies about three
months, and during nearly all that time he lived upon buffalo and bear
meat and honey. When he left home he was so weak that he could not mount
his horse without help, and his servant was obliged to carry his gun;
but he returned in splendid health and strength. He killed as many
buffaloes as to fill two large canoes with their hides, which he sent
home by the Red River; had many skirmishes with hostile tribes; and, as
they were constantly on the move over the prairies, they but seldom
spent two nights on the same spot. On one occasion the Captain wandered
away from his friends, and was compelled to spend the night alone. He
selected for his resting-place a spot on the margin of a stream, and
directly at the base of a lofty precipice. He tied his horse to a tree,
and placed before him a pile of nourishing reeds, which the locality
needed; then built himself a fire, made a tent of his blanket, placed
his weapons in convenient positions, and rolled himself up for a
refreshing sleep. And a better rest he never enjoyed. A short time
before daybreak, however, he was awakened by the snorting of his horse;
spoke a word of recognition, and fell to sleep again. He was again
awakened by the uneasy horse, and then it was that he first heard the
howling of wolves. From the woods across the river, from the stream both
above and below, and from the very top of the cliff over his head, he
heard their dismal howling; to his excited mind there were thousands of
them, but they did not trespass any further upon his privacy. With the
rising of the sun the wolves all disappeared; but then, within a few
steps from his sleeping-place, he found no less than three rattle-snakes
coiled up and enjoying a blissful repose; and before recovering from his
consternation, the air, in every direction, became filled with flying
ravens and buzzards. They were so numerous as actually to darken the
sky, and Pitchlynn’s mode of accounting for these strange visitations
was, that a large herd of buffaloes was at that time crossing the
plains, and the wolves and ravens were the vagabond attendants upon the
moving of the herd. The next day he regained his friends.
In 1837, by way of finding out the condition of affairs in the country
west of Arkansas by personal observation, Captain Pitchlynn went upon an
expedition into the Comanchee country. He was accompanied by twenty-two
men, all well mounted, and they were gone three months. After passing
beyond what was called the Cross Timbers, and over an immense prairie,
where the silence was so intense as to sadden the most hilarious, they
came in sight of an encampment of three thousand Comanchees. While yet
two miles away, the party was met by another party of the prairie
Indians, headed by a chief mounted upon a splendid black horse, who
extended the right hand of welcome. While this interview was going on,
the mounted sentinels, who formed an immense circle around the great
encampment, were seen rushing with the utmost speed to the centre of the
circle, as if to prepare for any emergency. On reaching the village the
Choctaws were conducted among the tents to the place for strangers, and
while they saw on every side boys engaged in shooting at targets, girls
playing, and women at work making saddles, not one of all the multitude
would venture to look upon the passing cavalcade, but all pursued their
avocations as if nothing unusual was going on. All the conversation that
transpired was carried on by signs. Pitchlynn and two of his men were
entertained in the tent of the principal chief, and they feasted
gloriously on boiled buffalo. The Choctaws remained a week with their
entertainers, and they formed a league to defend each other from the
Indians of Texas and Mexico during the coming year. Before the visit was
finished one of the Choctaw horses was stolen, and the defiant manner in
which his return was demanded by Pitchlynn made a deep impression upon
the Comanchees—so the animal was returned, and they burnt tobacco on
the ground, by way of proving their respect for the Choctaws. This band
of Comanchees in their persons were generally corpulent, but healthy;
and had with them many Mexican and other prisoners, who were
domesticated. Among them was a white boy who had strayed westward two
years before, and been captured, and whose freedom Captain Pitchlynn
secured at the expense of his favourite pistol, the Comanchee chief
cementing the bargain by throwing in a horse for the boy to ride on his
return out of the wilderness.
Though a lover of peace, there were times when our friend Pitchlynn was
compelled to be somewhat stern in his conduct as a ruler, as the
following incident will prove. In 1838 the Choctaw settlement was
infested by a large gang of horse thieves. To put a stop to their
inroads, chief Pitchlynn offered a large reward to one set of robbers,
if they would capture the other set, and punish them by whipping at the
post. The movement was successful, and the day was one of great
rejoicing among the rulers of the people, and the people themselves,
when the impenitent thieves were flogged by their speculating captors. A
short time afterwards, however, these two opposing parties met in a pass
of the mountains, and had a fight, which was so desperate and bloody
that the entire gang was virtually exterminated, only two or three
escaping to tell the story of the conflict.
Colonel Pitchlynn was always an admirer of Henry Clay, and his first
acquaintance with the great statesman commenced in 1840. The Choctaw was
ascending the Ohio in a steamboat, and at Maysville, during the night,
the Kentuckian came on board, bound to Washington. On leaving his
state-room at a very early hour, Pitchlynn went into the cabin, where he
saw two old farmers earnestly engaged in a talk about farming, and
drawing up a chair listened with great delight for more than an hour.
Returning to his state-room he roused a travelling companion, and told
him what a great treat he had been enjoying, and added—“If that old
farmer with an ugly face had only been educated for the law, he would
have made one of the greatest men in this country.” That “old farmer”
was Henry Clay, and the subsequent consternation of Pitchlynn may be
imagined; and it should be added that the statesman expressed the
greatest satisfaction at the compliment that had been paid him. The
steamboat upon which these fellow-travellers met was afterwards delayed
at the mouth of the Kanawha, and, as was common on such occasions, the
passengers held some mock trials, and improvised a debate on the
relative happiness of single and married life. Mr. Clay consented to
speak, and took the bachelor side of the question, and the duty of
replying was assigned to the Indian. He was at first greatly bewildered,
but recollecting that he had heard Methodist preachers relate their
experiences on religious matters, he thought he would relate his own
experiences of married life. He did this with minuteness and
considerable gusto, laying particular stress upon the goodness of his
wife, and the different shades of feeling and sentiment which he had
enjoyed, and after he had finished, the ladies who happened to be
present and Mr. Clay vied with each other in applauding the talented and
warm-hearted Indian.
When the war of the rebellion commenced in 1861, the subject of our
sketch was in Washington attending to public business for his people,
but immediately hurried home, in the hope of escaping the evils of the
impending strife. Before leaving, however, he had an interview with
President Lincoln, and assured him of his desire to have the Choctaws
pursue a neutral course, to which the President assented as the most
proper one to adopt under the circumstances. But Pitchlynn’s heart was
for the Union, and he made the further declaration that if the General
Government would protect them, his people would certainly espouse the
cause of the Union. He then returned to the South-west, intending to
lead the quiet life of a planter on his estate in the Choctaw country.
But the white men of Arkansas and Texas had already worked upon the
passions of the Choctaws, and on reaching home he found a large part of
the nation already poisoned with the spirit of rebellion. He pleaded for
the National Government, and at the hazard of his life denounced the
conduct of the Southern authorities. Many stories were circulated to
increase the number of his enemies; among them was one that he had
married a sister of President Lincoln, and another that the President
had offered him four hundred thousand dollars to become an abolitionist.
He was sustained, however, by the best men in the nation, who not only
made him colonel of a regiment of militia for home defence, and
afterwards elected him head chief of the nation; but all this did not
prevent two or three of his children, as well as many others in the
nation, from joining the Confederate army. But he himself remained a
Union man during the entire war. Not only had many local positions of
honour been conferred upon him in times past, but he had long been
looked upon by all the Choctaws as their principal teacher in religious
and educational matters, as their philosopher and faithful friend, and
also as the best man to represent their claims and interests as a
delegate to Washington. He had under cultivation, just before the
rebellion, about six hundred acres of land, and owned over one hundred
slaves; and though he annually raised good crops of cotton and corn, he
found the market for them too far off, and was beginning to devote all
his attention to the raising of cattle. His own stock, and that of his
neighbours, was, of course, a prize for the Confederates, who took
everything, and left the country almost desolate. When the Emancipation
Proclamation appeared, he acquiesced without a murmur; managed as well
as he could in the reduced condition of his affairs; and after the war
he was again solicited to revisit Washington as a delegate, in which
capacity he had assigned to his keeping and management a claim for
unpaid treaty-money of several millions of dollars. An address that he
delivered as delegate before the President, at the White House in 1855,
was commented upon at the time as exceedingly touching and eloquent; and
certain speeches that he made before Congressional Committees in 1868,
and especially an address that he delivered in 1869 before a Delegation
of Quakers, called to Washington by President Grant, for consultation on
our Indian affairs, placed him in the foremost rank of orators. William
H. Goode, who was long a missionary among the Southern Indians, gave
this opinion of him in 1863:—“He was a member of the Presbyterian
Church, and esteemed pious; an ardent promoter of learning, morals, and
religion; President of the National Council; and altogether the most
popular and influential man in the Choctaw nation, and, from occasional
notices, I infer that he still maintains his position.”
While it is true that the most populous single tribe of Indians now
living in this country is that of the Cherokees, the Choctaws and
Chickasaws, who form what is known as the Choctaw nation, outnumber the
former by about five thousand, and they claim in the aggregate near
twenty thousand souls. They speak the same language, and have attained a
higher degree of civilisation than any other of the Southern tribes. The
nation is divided into four districts, one of which is composed
exclusively of Chickasaws. Each district was formerly under one chief,
but now they are all ruled by a single chief or governor; and they have
a National Legislative Council. They have an alphabet of their own, and
are well supplied with schools and academies, with churches and
benevolent institutions, and until lately with a daily press, all of
which betoken a gratifying progress in the career of enlightened
prosperity. They are the only tribe which has never, as a whole, been in
hostile collision with, nor been subdued by, the United States. Never
have they broken a promise or violated their plighted faith with the
General Government. What certain individuals may have done during the
late war ought not certainly to be charged against the nation at large.
And here, for the want of a better place, we may, in addition to what
has already been incidentally mentioned, submit a few particulars
respecting the present condition of the Choctaws and Chickasaws. They
claim for their territory that it is as fertile and picturesque as could
be desired. To speak in general terms, it forms the south-east quarter
of what is called the Indian territory. It is about two hundred miles
long by one hundred and thirty wide, forms an elongated square, and
while the Arkansas and Canadian rivers bound it on the north, it joins
the State of Arkansas on the east, and the Red River and Texas bound it
on the south and west. These two nations, now living in alliance,
consider themselves much better off now than they were in the “old
country,” the designation which they love to apply to Mississippi. Their
form of government is similar in all particulars to that of the States
of the Union. While it is true that the rebellion had a damaging effect
upon their prosperity, it cannot be long before they will be restored to
their former prosperous condition. They adopted and supported before the
war a system of what they called “neighbourhood schools,” as well as
seminaries, taught for the most part by ladies from the New England
States, the intention of which was to afford the children a primary
course of instruction, which would fit them for the colleges and
seminaries in the States, to which many pupils have hitherto been
annually sent. The prime mover in all these educational enterprises was
Colonel Pitchlynn, and it is now one of the leading desires of his heart
that the good lady teachers, who were driven off by the war, would
either return themselves, or that a new supply of just such Christian
teachers might be sent out from New England. In his opinion these lady
teachers were the best civilisers who ever visited the Choctaw nation.
To New England clergymen also are the Choctaws indebted for their best
translations of the Scriptures and other religious books. The school
system of the Choctaws, which was eminently prosperous until interfered
with by the rebellion, was founded in 1842. Up to that date, the General
Government undertook to educate that people, and the funds set aside for
that purpose were used by designing parties for their own benefit, or
for local schemes. For the Indians, everything was wrong, and while
Colonel Pitchlynn well knew that he would have to fight an unscrupulous
opposition, he resolved, single-handed, to see if he could have the
School Fund transferred from the United States to the Choctaws. After
many delays, he obtained an interview with John C. Spencer, then
Secretary of War, and was permitted to tell his story. The Secretary
listened attentively, was much pleased, and told the chief he should
have an interview with the President, John Tyler. The speech which he
then delivered in the White House, and before the Cabinet, was
pronounced by those who heard it as truly wonderful. It completely
converted the President, who gave immediate orders that Pitchlynn’s
suggestions should all be carried out. The good Secretary fully
co-operated, and before the clerks of the Indian Office left their desks
that night, all the necessary papers had been prepared, signed, sealed,
and duly delivered. Pitchlynn left Washington with flying colours, and
was one of the happiest men in the land. On reaching the Choctaw country
he was honoured with all the attentions his people knew how to confer;
and on a subsequent Fourth of July he delivered an oration of remarkable
beauty and power, in which he recapitulated the history of their
emigration from Mississippi—comparing his people to the captive Jews by
the waters of Babylon—and after describing their subsequent trials,
urged them to be contented in their new homes, and then set forth at
great length his views on the subject of universal education, the whole
of which, to the minutest particular, were subsequently adopted. The
first academy organised under the new arrangement was named for the then
Secretary of War, and from that year until the death of John C. Spencer,
that wise and warm-hearted lover of the Indians, had not a more devoted
friend than Peter Pitchlynn. At the commencement of the rebellion, the
number of slaves in the Choctaw nation was estimated at three thousand,
and there, in the capacity of Freedmen, are now waiting for the General
Government to keep its promises in regard to their welfare. By a treaty
which was ratified in 1866 they were to be adopted by the Choctaws and
Chickasaws, and those tribes were to receive a bonus of three hundred
thousand dollars; if this stipulation should fail, the Government was to
remove them to some public lands, where they might found a colony; and
as the Indians have thus far failed to adopt the Freedmen, the latter
are patiently waiting for the Government to keep its solemn promises.
These unfortunate people are said to be more intelligent and
self-reliant than many of their race in the Southern States, and it
certainly seems a pity that they should continue in their present
unsatisfactory and disorganised condition. It is due to Colonel
Pitchlynn to state, that from the beginning he advocated the adoption of
the Freedmen, and he has many reasons for believing that during the
coming winter the measure will be carried through. In that event the
Government will be excused for its negligence by paying over the
stipulated sum of money. Ever since the removal of the Choctaws and
Chickasaws to their Western territory, missionaries and school-teachers
have laboured among them with great faithfulness, and the denominations
which have chiefly participated in this good work are the Baptists, the
Methodists, and the Cumberland and Old School Presbyterians. Upon the
whole, the cause of Temperance has been quite as well sustained by them
as by any of the fully civilised people of the Atlantic States. In
certain interior parts of the nation, alcoholic drinks are seldom if
ever seen, but those parts bordering on Arkansas and Texas are
sufficiently civilised to participate in the well-nigh universal curse.
While the Choctaws are very willing to import all the good they can from
the haunts of civilisation, no white man is allowed citizenship among
them unless he marries a Choctaw. Some years ago they concluded to adopt
one man, but during the next winter no less than five hundred petitions
were sent in for the same boon, which were not granted. And here comes
in an anecdote respecting Colonel Pitchlynn. On his way to the Council,
some years ago, he was attacked by a fever, and was obliged to spend
several days with a friend. In a fit of temporary delirium he talked a
great deal about going to Scotland and Germany to bring out a thousand
worthy and good mechanics, and a thousand women, to settle among the
Choctaws, and intermarry with them. On his recovery he was laughed at
for his queer idea, but he replied that whether sane or insane, he was
ready to carry out that identical proposition. He thought it would be a
blessing to his people; but he did not wish to be bothered with the
adventurers and horse thieves from Texas and Arkansas. That there has
always been a want of harmony among this people on all moral, as well as
political questions, cannot be disputed, and the fact may be attributed
to the existence among them of a few influential families, whereby
unprofitable jealousies and a party spirit are kept up, to the
disadvantage of the masses. If there is anything among them which might
be called aristocracy, it consists more in feeling than in outward
circumstances, for all the people live alike in plain but comfortable
log-cabins, and are content with a simple manner of life. Among them may
be found a goodly number of really intellectual men, but it is
undoubtedly true that, so far as all the higher qualities are concerned,
the particular man of whom we have been writing is without a peer, as
was his father during the preceding generation.
To have been the leading intellect among such a people is of course no
ordinary honour, and Colonel Pitchlynn has always cherished with
affectionate pride the history and romantic traditions of his people.
Not only has he accumulated an inexhaustible store of this interesting
lore, but his love of nature is so acute, and his appreciation of the
beautiful so delicate, that his narratives are oftentimes exceedingly
charming. He is indeed the poet of his people; and he has communicated
to the writer many Choctaw legends, stored up in his retentive memory,
which have never appeared in print, and which but for his appreciation
of their beauty would scarcely have been repeated to a white man. For a
few of those legends I refer the reader to my work entitled _A Winter in
the South_.
* * * * *
_P.S._—In the month of January 1881 this splendid specimen of one of
nature’s noblemen died at his residence in Washington City, and was
buried in the Congressional Cemetery, with Masonic honours, the poet
Albert Pike having delivered a touching eulogy over his remains.
ROUND CAPE HORN.
It was the first day of November, and in the city of New York. Among the
people who passed along the outer line of the Battery was a well-grown
youth absorbed in a kind of reverie. He was a confidential clerk in a
first-class counting-house, and his prospects for the future were as
bright as his friends could desire. He was talented, but had a wayward
disposition, and having concluded that the life of a clerk was irksome,
he resolved to visit a friend in Boston, through whose influence he
hoped to obtain a passage to India. On the following day he settled his
affairs with his employers, who treated him with great kindness, and
vainly tried to make him change his plans. On sending his trunk to the
Norwich boat, and while waiting for her departure, he chanced to fall
into conversation with the owner and captain of the ship “Evadne,” just
then getting ready for a voyage to Valparaiso. In that city, the boy
happened to have a sister residing, and having been tempted by the
captain to join him as a kind of clerk or supercargo, he recalled his
trunk from the steamboat, transferred it on board the ship, wrote an
affectionate letter to his parents, and forthwith started for Cape Horn.
From that day, until his subsequent arrival in Boston, he kept a minute
journal of his observations and experiences, and from this
record,—barring all dates, notes on latitude and longitude, and
personal recollections,—have been culled the subjoined particulars.
They refer chiefly to the natural history of the ocean, and the reader
will understand that no attempt has been made to connect the paragraphs,
which were written at widely different places and periods of the voyage.
* * * * *
We hauled into the stream on Monday, and weighed anchor on Tuesday. A
portion of the crew came on board very much intoxicated, and though the
captain took the precaution to arm me with a pistol and “slung-shot,” it
was not necessary to use them. The moment we lost sight of Neversink, we
were caught by a heavy gale, and for three days I was terribly sick; but
I soon recovered, and, since then, have been in splendid trim. The wind
was fair; we have had a fine run; are now in a warm climate, and I am
ready to enjoy the wonders of the ocean. I have already seen two whales,
and have caught a dolphin, a flying-fish, and a poor hawk that had taken
refuge in our rigging. The dolphin was nine feet long, and had none of
the brilliant colours attributed to him by poets, but was only black and
white; and if, as a race, they are fond of music, it must be the wild
music which the wind makes in a ship’s rigging, for it was in the midst
of a gale that at least a hundred of them flocked about our ship. They
are associated, as the sailors tell me, by a family tie, with the
grampus, which sometimes attains the length of twenty-five feet, and is
a deadly enemy of the whale. As to my flying-fish, he did not measure
over a foot, and his wing-fins were not less than eight inches in
length. I have been told that it is a dull business to follow the sea,
but I do not think so; the sunrises and sunsets and moonlight nights
would alone pay any man for the longest voyage, and, as for myself, I
can never tire of the “Book of Nature opened wide.” When not studying
the sea and the sky, I employ my time reading, writing, making nautical
calculations, and taking observations, so that the time cannot hang
heavily, if I may but have the control of my mind. In looking over the
manifest of our vessel, I find that we have on board a marble monument
which is to be placed over the grave of a Connecticut man in far-off
Valparaiso. Should it be my lot to die on a foreign shore, will any of
my kindred think enough of me to treat my memory with like respect? We
have on our ship as passenger a young Spaniard, and he and I spend much
of our time teaching each other our several languages.
We have long since passed what is called the Gulf Stream, and are in the
midst of the great Equatorial or Tropical Stream, which is considered by
naturalists the grandest movement of the ocean. This wonderful
phenomenon proceeds from east to west on both sides of the Equator. Off
the coast of Brazil, as the captain tells me, it divides into two great
branch currents, one of which passes to the south-west, and rushing
through the Straits of Magellan and around Cape Horn, loses itself in
the Pacific Ocean; while the other rolls on towards the north, forms the
Gulf Stream in the vicinity of the United States, and then makes a
circle, which touches Newfoundland, the Azores, and the coast of Africa,
until it again reaches the coast of South America. We thus see that the
Equatorial Stream is in reality a whirlpool of prodigious extent; and
when told that the Gulf Stream carries the sediment of the Mississippi
river, so as to scatter it over the “floor of the Northern Atlantic,” we
obtain an idea of the volume of the great river and of the power of the
Gulf Stream, which cannot be fully comprehended.
Intimately associated with the foregoing are the celebrated Trade Winds.
They are met with between the Tropics, are permanent, follow the same
direction all the year, and their limits are the parallels of
twenty-eight degrees of north and south latitude. They are known as the
“North-east and South-east Trades,” and between them calms and fogs
abound. They were discovered by Columbus, and their origin was first
explained by George Hadley, his theory being that they are founded on
the rarefaction of the atmosphere of the torrid zone, by the powerful
heat to which that region is subject. They derive their name from the
facilities which they afford to commerce; and the mariners have always
been delighted to be within their range, because of their genial
influences, and their power in promoting the most transparent
atmosphere, sunsets of surpassing splendour, and the unapproachable
brilliancy of unclouded skies.
We had a severe storm last night. It is indeed a fearful thing to be
thus cuffed about like a log of wood upon the waters. What with the
leaping and the plunging of the ship, the roaring of the winds and
waves, the shouting of the men when taking in sail, the trumpet blasts
of the captain, and the intense darkness, we had a tolerably
disagreeable time; but all these things only combine to give the
“landlubber” such thoughts and feelings as he could never dream of on
the peaceful shore. In spite of all that I have had to do, I have taken
time to think of home, and the many loved ones far, far away. How
distinctly, through all the gloom, have I seen the place where I was
born, with its romantic hills and very beautiful streams! I feel myself
to be quite plucky, but these thoughts will make my lips quiver, and yet
my confidence is in God.
At this present writing we are exactly on the line of the Equator. The
heat which now prevails is simply fearful. This thing called the Line
was first crossed by the Portuguese in 1471, and I do not think it
strange that the ancients should have considered the equatorial regions
of the earth uninhabitable by man. If it were not for the constant
showers, which come upon us with astonishing suddenness, it would be
unendurable by northern constitutions. I wear nothing but shirt and
pantaloons, never think of occupying my berth, but during the whole
night flounder about on the deck very much like a bear in his cage.
During the whole of yesterday our ship’s pathway lay through immense
fields of floating sea-weed or _algæ_. Where it all came from none could
conjecture; it was, perhaps, the result of a continuous storm on a
rock-bound coast one or two thousand miles away. In its variety, as well
as in its beauty, this marine botany or vegetation of the ocean is as
wonderful and complete as that of the land, and different temperatures
and localities have their diversified species. I have myself seen
specimens that were as fine as a woman’s hair, and as delicate as
gossamer; our captain says he has seen rolls of it floating on the water
at the Falkland Islands as large as a man’s body, and two hundred feet
long; and on the authority of the navigator Cook, we know that at the
Desolation Islands specimens have been found that were not less than
three hundred and sixty feet in length; while a scientific man named
Lamouroux asserted that there was a species of sea-weed with a stem
eight hundred feet long. On the score of colour it is exceedingly
various, but the prevailing tints are green, brown, olive, and red; and
as to its value, I suppose it is only beginning to be appreciated as the
foundation of many chemical commodities. In some parts of the world,
moreover, it is so thick on rocky reefs as actually to be a protection
to the ships as they sail in unknown regions; and the marine meadows
among the Azores and near the Bahama Islands have a world-wide
reputation. With regard to the living creatures which it harbours and
supports, their extent is simply wonderful.
To-day the water around our ship was perfectly alive with thousands of
porpoises, cutting all sorts of capers. They have, indeed, as their name
implies, a piggish cast of countenance, and are decidedly original in
one of their habits. We succeeded in harpooning two or three, and I saw
verified the story that when one of them has been wounded so as to lose
any blood, his beloved brethren pounce upon him and eat him up without
mercy. But after all, in this particular they do not differ very much
from some of the human race that I wot of; for when a man makes a single
stumble in his life, his fellow-beings are very apt to help him along to
destruction with their jeers and unkind words. Some of the sailors on
board entertain the queer notion that all the porpoises in the ocean are
descended from the herd of swine spoken of in Scripture which were
driven into the sea. These creatures always swim in schools, and, like
the wild geese, always have a leader, and move in the form of a
triangle.
I saw under full sail, this morning, what the sailors call a Portuguese
man-of-war. It is a fish which can hoist a little sail at will, and
shoot away just like a real ship. What they call the sail has a gossamer
appearance, and is very brilliant in colour; and when the little fellow
is frightened, the way he “takes in sail” and dives out of sight is
exceedingly interesting. This creature belongs to the family of
jelly-fishes; its transparent body, when fully extended, is frequently a
foot in diameter, and from under it depends a long lock of bluish
tendrils, which are said to be its sucking tubes and weapons of defence.
This appendage is sometimes fifteen feet long, and is trailed through
the water like a net, and the rapidity with which it can be immediately
collected in a small lump is truly amazing; its object is said to be to
capture the fish upon which it feeds, its favourite game being the
flying-fish and bonita, which it has the power of poisoning; and I can
testify, from personal experience, that the effect of handling the
creature is to pain and temporarily paralyse the arm.
The phosphorescence of the sea I last night witnessed in great
perfection. In every direction the waves seemed to be on fire, and the
spectacle was one which afforded me intense pleasure, although said to
be the certain harbinger of a storm. The flames, as they appeared to be,
were both red and blue, and at times so very bright as almost to afford
light enough to read. This phenomenon is said to be caused by a variety
of living gelatinous creatures, and also by certain kinds of fishes, as
well as by putrefying organic matter. In looking over my books of poetry
I find that Crabbe and Byron both described the wonder, but neither of
them approached the marvellously accurate description of Coleridge,
which I copy from his “Ancient Mariner:”—
“Beyond the shadow of the ship
I watched the water-snakes;
They moved in tracks of shining white,
And, when they rear’d, the elfish light
Fell off in hoary flakes.
“Within the shadow of the ship
I watch’d their rich attire—
Blue, glossy green, and velvet black—
They coil’d and swam, and every track
Was a flash of golden fire.”
Christmas night! and my thoughts are with the loved ones at _home_! When
the sun went down there was not a single object to be seen upon the
waters in any direction, and in the air not a single gull or any other
bird. I must confess this was rather impressive; and finding that I
could only keep my spirits above zero by talking, I have been very busy
in that line with the officers of the ship. The captain is an
exceedingly kind-hearted man, and treats me as if I were his son; but
the chief mate has seen more of the world, and here is a bit of his
conversation. He was a petty officer on board the “Great Republic”
during her service in the Crimea, and happened to be an eye-witness of
the battle of Inkerman. He says the charter-money paid by the British
Government amounted to twenty thousand dollars per month, and that her
cargo on one occasion amounted to fifteen hundred horses (seven hundred
of which were Arabians) and thirty-five hundred soldiers. She also did a
large business in conveying the sick and wounded from Sebastopol to
Constantinople, and was employed by the English for seventeen months. In
his opinion Constantinople is one of the meanest cities in the world,
with few handsome buildings excepting the mosques, and with streets that
are only disgraceful to the Turkish Government.
To-day we captured a very large shark. He was of the white variety, and
measured nearly twenty feet in length. The captain says he has known
them half as long again. We had great difficulty, after harpooning him,
to get him alongside of the ship, so that we might have a good look at
his royal ugliness. We had no use for him, and so we studied his anatomy
and then threw him into the sea again. We took out his heart, with its
various belongings, and forty minutes after we did this its pulsations
could be distinctly felt thumping the hand that pressed it. Among the
stories which the sailors have narrated in regard to this tyrant of the
ocean, I note the following:—First, that when the mother shark is
afraid of losing her offspring, she swallows them to secure their
safety, disgorging them when the danger is past; also, that in the
pilot-fish it has a friend that sticketh closer than a brother, and that
they have been known to travel together for weeks; and while the shark
profits by the engineering qualities of the pilot-fish, the latter has a
good time enjoying the fragments of spoil which the tyrant does not
require for his support. The sailors also believe that while some
varieties of the shark family are viviparous and bring forth their young
alive, other varieties bring forth their young in those horny cases
called mermaid’s purses, which are so frequently picked up in a dry
state along the shores of Long Island Sound.
Last night one of those gales which the captain calls a Pampero burst
upon us, and we had a very exciting time. He says they belong to the
monsoon family; that they get their name from the fact that they have
their birth among the snowy Andes, and after sweeping across the great
arid plains, or pampas, of South America, become hurricanes on the
Atlantic; and that they are the sure harbingers of health, although
their effect on land and sea is frequently terrific.
This is the first day of the New Year, and the air, the sea, and the sky
are perfectly delightful to the feelings and the vision. Just before the
old year left us, the captain was on the watch, and by way of getting up
a small excitement, he stole into the cabin, and, placing his trumpet
near my ear, shouted, “I wish you a happy New Year!” It was fun to him
and the officers, but the unearthly sound very nearly frightened me out
of my skin. The effect of the row upon our Spanish passenger was very
laughable. He thought there was a murder going on, and the way he ran
about the cabin with nothing on but his shirt, crying out, “What’s the
matter? what’s the matter?” was quite equal to a first-class play.
To-day the captain reports that we are off the coast of Patagonia, and
near the Straits of Magellan; and as one of the crew visited that
country and passed through the Straits a few years ago, I have been
pumping him for information, with the following result:—It is a wild
and uncultivated country, and sparsely populated by a race of Indians
who, though finely formed and large, are not in keeping with the
accounts of the early travellers. The Atlantic coast is level, while
that on the Pacific is mountainous and well wooded, and the winters are
long and bitter cold. It gets its name from the original inhabitants,
who were called Patagons; and besides the bow and arrows, the present
inhabitants employ a ball fastened to a thong of hide as their most
effective and deadly weapon. As to the Straits of Magellan, which
connect the two oceans, they were so named after the explorer who first
navigated them in 1520. They extend more than three hundred miles from
east to west, varying in width from five to fifty miles, and abound in
spacious bays; and while the entrance from the Atlantic is fifteen miles
wide, that on the Pacific side is about twenty in width, and is a
favourite resort of sea-lions. The tide rises about fifty feet and runs
with great rapidity, and in opposite directions; and although some
vessels have passed through in three weeks, others have been detained
for four months. The Spaniards once planted a colony of four hundred men
at one point, all of whom were abandoned to starvation and death, and
the appropriate name was afterward given to it of Port Famine. In 1850 a
colony of one hundred and fifty Germans formed a small settlement within
the Straits, which they called the Harbour of Mercy. A portion of the
scenery belongs to the Norwegian type, one of the mountains, called
Mount Tarn, rising more than three thousand feet, and having pointed
offshoots covered with perpetual snow; while the river Sedger, which
comes from the north, runs through extensive forests of beech and pine,
and is blocked up at its mouth with an incredible quantity of
drift-wood. In 1831 the Straits were surveyed by the British Government,
and the charts subsequently published have done much to improve the
navigation of that inhospitable region.
The southern boundary of the Straits consists of a large cluster of
islands, large and small, and called Tierra del Fuego, because of one or
two volcanoes. On the southern side of the group, and running inside of
Staten Land Island, is a strait called Le Maire, where the coast scenery
is particularly grand.
During the past week the birds have greatly multiplied in our vicinity,
and I have seen with great pleasure the famous albatross. It closely
resembles a goose in shape; its prevailing colour is white, diversified
with black and grey, and it is sometimes so large as to measure twelve
feet between the tips of the wings. On account of its size, it is called
the monarch of the sea, as well as the man-of-war bird; it possesses the
traits of a highway robber, and because of its gluttony is frequently
stigmatised as the vulture of the ocean. It rises from the water with
difficulty, but when once on the wing it glides over the rolling billows
with exquisite grace, soaring high in the air with perfect grandeur; and
the manner in which it is wont to face the fiercest gales elicits the
heartiest admiration. It will follow in the wake of a ship for weeks,
and this is perhaps the secret of its introduction into poetry; but why
the killing of it should have brought such tribulation and woe upon the
“Ancient Mariner” of Coleridge will always be a mystery. It is said to
be partial to the stormy regions of Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope;
seems to be the sworn enemy of the whole race of booby-birds; and yet,
when seen fast asleep, with its head under its wings, on the unbroken
waves, one would imagine it a lover of peace and to be as innocent as
the dove. A favourite breeding-place for these birds is the Auckland
Islands. With one exception, it is the only bird found on the high seas
at every distance from the land. The exception alluded to is the Stormy
Petrel, which, I am surprised to learn, is called the crow of the ocean.
This, of all web-footed birds, is the smallest known to naturalists; and
although often seen in the Southern hemisphere, it does not here follow
in the wake of sailing vessels, as is the habit of its northern kindred;
and like the auk, the puffin, the guillemot, and fulmer, it lays but one
egg during the breeding season, and that upon a naked rock. The several
varieties of the albatross commonly known to seamen are as follows:—the
sooty, the dusky, the wandering, the short-tailed, and the yellow-nosed
albatross; while the common petrels are known as the stormy,
forked-tailed, and the white and black petrels, as well as Mother
Carey’s chickens.
When we left New York, the captain tells me, he had a sufficient amount
of provisions to last eighteen months; for, during a previous voyage in
the Pacific, he had spent seventy-eight days beating about Cape Horn,
and he did not wish to be starved to death. And this reminds me of our
style of living on ship-board. The sailors have all they want in the way
of salt beef and pork, beans, mush, and navy bread, with coffee and tea
every day; they have no table or knives or forks, but feed like animals
out of a “mess-kid,” each one putting in his thumb and pulling out
anything but a plum; and when two men sometimes happen to seize the same
piece of “salt-horse” or bone of contention, they have a jolly row. In
the cabin we have everything as nice as circumstances will allow,
including hot bread every day, with pickles and puddings and soups; one
of the latter being more of a mockery than suits my taste.
We spoke a ship to-day, bound to Boston, from Valparaiso. She started
for the former port a few days after I did the same thing, and _I think
will get there before me_. As she faded away on the northern horizon,
she looked indeed like a phantom of the deep, and although alone—all,
all alone—I knew that before midnight she would be well freighted with
_dreams_; dreams of much-loved and far distant friends.
Last night, after a day that was fifteen hours and forty minutes long,
was lovely beyond the power of words to describe. We had a gentle
breeze; the sky was without a cloud, and when the moon rose at ten
o’clock it was red as blood. I was on deck until daybreak, and after one
of the officers and I had regaled ourselves on red herrings and pickled
pigs’ feet, we abandoned this swinish business and devoted ourselves to
astronomy; and if, by remaining on this side of the equator, I could
always thus rise from the ridiculous to the sublime, I would not care
ever to return. The starry novelties of this Southern hemisphere, all of
which it has been my privilege to look upon, are especially interesting.
The _Southern Cross_, as it is called, is composed of four stars; large,
but of varying magnitude; and although very beautiful in themselves, the
idea associated with them is one that appeals to the most sacred and
sublime emotions of the soul. They are always looked upon as a token of
peace; and as they indicate, according to their position, the hours of
the night, there is to my mind something very poetical in the custom
which prevails among many of the South Americans, as I am informed, of
shouting at night, in their lone wanderings over the hills and plains—
“Midnight is past, the Cross begins to bend.”
The stars known as the _Magellan Clouds_ are nebulous in their
character, and there are three distinct clusters. And what we read of as
the _Northern Crown_ is composed of seven stars encircling two-thirds of
an oval figure. But the _Southern Cross_ in its distinctness and beauty
eclipses all the other constellations ever discovered, and no wonder
that Mrs. Hemans was inspired to write that admirable poem on this
wonder of the heavens, which concludes as follows:—
“But thou to my thoughts art a pure blazing shrine,
A fount of bright hopes, and of visions divine;
And my soul, like an eagle, exulting and free,
Soars high o’er the Andes to mingle with thee.”
Of all those who have a right to talk about the delights of home, none
can excel the New England boy, when he is a wanderer upon the ocean. The
times are very frequent when I feel like shedding tears in my
loneliness, but whenever I think of a song my sisters used to sing,
about some poor fellow who had died “upon a foreign shore,” I become a
veritable child in my weakness. Home! what a precious word, and how
sacred are its memories! The very house, with its cosy rooms, where we
were born, the neighbouring hills over which we frolicked after
chestnuts and blackberries, the lovely river and charming lakes where we
sported as anglers, and the books we were wont to read to our beautiful
playmates and companions—how do they live in perpetual freshness!
Whatever a man may lose in his hostile battle with the world, he never
can become so hardened as not to think sometimes of his early home. Of
my own home I never tire of thinking, and when I contrast its pleasures
and many lessons of virtue with those I have experienced elsewhere, the
latter always sink into insignificance. But it is when I think of the
manner in which I have trifled with my own home, and with the affections
of my dear parents and sisters, that my poor heart is bowed to the very
dust, and I feel that I deserve all the severest pangs of home-sickness
and the evils which follow in the pathway of a wayward, heedless, and
extravagant life. I can only hope and constantly pray that God will have
mercy upon me, and make me an honour to my name.
Yesterday, which was Sunday, by request of the captain, I read aloud a
portion of the morning service in the Prayer-Book, and then, for my own
enjoyment, a sermon by Jeremy Taylor, and several of the heart-touching
poems of Robert Burns. The captain has an ear for music, and we had a
large amount of very good psalm-singing. We concluded the day with a
regular feast of Yankee “dough-nuts,” made under the immediate direction
of the captain, and, as the sun went down over the far-off Andes in
unspeakable glory, the day was very enjoyable. Early this morning we saw
an iceberg; it was white as snow, and the captain says not less than one
hundred and fifty feet high. It formed a grand and beautiful picture,
which I can never forget; and thus you see that within the last
twenty-four hours there has been no monotony in our occupations nor in
what we have seen.
To-day we saw a very large dead whale floating upon the waters, and I
should imagine a million of birds were in the full enjoyment of the rare
banquet. Of course, a long talk followed on the subject of whales, as
two of the officers had served their time as whalemen. To those who go
down to the sea in ships, it is well known that the carcasses of whales
are frequently seen floating far out on the ocean, or stranded on the
shore; but it is not so generally known how these monsters come to die.
Man is the worst enemy of the whale, but he always preserves his spoil;
the sword-fish is the second worst enemy of leviathan; but the creature
that claims the third rank as an ocean-butcher is a fish called the
_Killer_. He is occasionally sufficiently large to yield ten barrels of
oil, has a sharp nose, two very large and wing-like fins; and out of his
back grows another fin, which, when the fish is swimming near the
surface, projects three or four feet out of the water, and somewhat
resembles a moving post. Now it is said that to this fish the habits of
the whale are well known, and when the former is on his feeding-ground,
and has arranged his huge mouth as a kind of trap to catch the shrimp
and other aquatic creatures, the killer watches his chance, and suddenly
seizing the tongue of the whale, tears it out with great violence, which
exploit terminates in a gorgeous feast for the killer, and in the
untimely death of the whale!! By some, this fish is said to belong to
the shark family; but by others it is considered a relative of the
grampus. The whale naturally has a horror of them, and when a mother is
accompanied by her young, and happens to discover one of these
“killers,” she at once places them on her back, and then swims so near
the surface that, for a time, the offspring are entirely out of the
water. The variety here alluded to is the black, or right whale of the
Pacific, which also has a habit of protecting its young when in danger,
by shielding them under its fins, while the sperm whale is more selfish
by nature, and always seems unconcerned about the fate of its offspring.
The “killers” sometimes swim in schools, and when thus leagued together
have been known to attack and capture a wounded or dead whale at the
very moment when the whalemen were about to secure the prize for which
they had long struggled. But more curious than the above is the
subjoined story, told by one of my companions:—
He was on his way from San Francisco to Panama, when, one pleasant day,
a large “sulphur-bottom whale” suddenly made his appearance alongside of
his ship, now on one quarter, and then on the other, and sometimes
within five yards of the vessel. After blowing two or three times, he
would pass under the ship and rub his back against the keel, and this he
continued to do for several days. The sailors had never heard of such
doings before, and were somewhat troubled. Some of the passengers amused
themselves by shooting bullets into the monster, and although they drew
blood, he would not go away. On his back were clinging a number of small
fish, which they called suckers. Day after day and night after night,
the huge creature kept on his way, as if he were an appendage to the
ship. After this intimacy had lasted twenty days, and the fish had
followed the vessel full two thousand miles, a large school of cow-fish
or porpoises made their appearance, and also a devil-fish, when the
whale made a few tumbles into their midst, and the whole lot of strange
creatures disappeared from view for ever.
The announcement was made, to-day, that we had “sighted” Cape Horn.
Whether true or not, we have certainly _sighted_ a rousing gale, a heavy
snow-storm, another storm of hail and rain, very cold weather, several
large whales, any number of white porpoises, a large whale-ship dashing
gloriously through the foam, and a big commotion generally. We have been
doing a great deal of what they call “standing off and standing on,” but
it has not been a stationary business. The particular spot called Cape
Horn is a lofty and desolate rock forming the southern extremity of
Hermit Island, and belonging to the Tierra del Fuego group of islands.
We were two or three times in close proximity to the Cape, but found it
expedient to keep a respectful distance. We had one experience of what
are called “long-footed swells,” but, generally speaking, the waters
were a “Hell Gate” on a magnificent scale. To “double Cape Horn” means
to sail entirely around it, and not merely to pass it; and this feat was
first performed in 1616 by a navigator named Schouten of _Hoorn_ in
Holland. From his native place the Cape obtained its name. It was on one
of the many islands in the immediate vicinity of Cape Horn that the
great navigator Cook admired the remarkable harmony reigning among the
different species of mammifera and birds, and which he described in
substance as follows: “The sea-lions occupied the greatest part of the
sea-coast, the bears the inland; the shags were posted on the highest
cliffs, the penguins in such places as had the best access to the sea,
and the other birds chose more retired places. Occasionally, however,
all these animals were seen to mix together, like domestic cattle and
poultry in a farm-yard, without one attempting to hurt the other in the
least. Even the eagles and the vultures were frequently seen sitting
together on the hills among the shags, while none of the latter, either
old or young, appeared to be disturbed by their presence. No doubt the
poor fishes had to pay for the touching union of this happy family.”
We arrived at Valparaiso this afternoon. It took us about twenty days to
get entirely around the Horn; it is now one hundred and twenty-six days
since we left New York, and we have sailed not less than thirteen
thousand six hundred and ninety miles, although by direct measurement
the distance is only four thousand and three hundred miles.
The present is the last day of my four months’ sojourn in Valparaiso. Of
course, I have been rambling about the country to some extent, and the
substance of my observations may be summed up as follows: One of my
visits was to an estate about twenty miles from the city, which consists
of three thousand acres without a wall or fence upon it, and upon which
I saw not fewer than one thousand cows, with a large number of sheep and
horses. I went out with the son of the owner—a Spaniard—and on
horseback, and enjoyed myself amazingly. We had to pass over a range of
mountains where the roads were so narrow that my legs were frequently
scraped against the rocky cliffs, and on reaching the estate or
hacienda, I found it to be a perfectly level plain; and the place in
some particulars, and especially its remoteness, reminded me of the
happy valley where Rasselas resided, as recorded by Dr. Johnson. The
people who work upon it are called peons—in reality a variety of
slaves—and the cluster of reed cabins in which they live are known as
ranchos. Although the raising of cattle for butchering was the chief
business, the estate was well supplied with vineyards, wheat fields, and
orchards or fruit gardens. Connected with this hacienda was a kind of
shop or country store, called bodegon; and from what I had myself seen
and been told, this particular estate was a fair sample of those to be
found in all the more settled parts of Chili. Some of them, however, are
much larger, and contain as many as twenty thousand head of cattle. They
give employment here to an extensive class of men called _vaqueros_, or
herdsmen, who are continually roaming on horseback among the cattle,
while grazing upon the hills or in the forests. One of the most notable
pictures that I witnessed consisted of a flock of condors feasting upon
a dead horse; and another was of a corral of five thousand head of
cattle in charge of not less than fifty horsemen. Of regular Indians, or
aborigines, I saw none, but my friend told me there were not less than
fifteen tribes in the Republic. On our way home, I enjoyed some very
imposing mountain views, and was informed that the highest of the
Chilian Andes was named _Tupungato_, and attained an elevation of nearly
twenty-three thousand feet.
I have also made a flying visit to Santiago, which is not only the seat
of government of Chili, but a somewhat flourishing city of eighty
thousand inhabitants. Although considered at the foot of the Andes, it
is, nevertheless, one thousand eight hundred and fifty feet above the
ocean, and is admirably located on the Mapocho River. If it had been in
the hands of any other people, it would not have taken three hundred
years to reach its present population. It is the centre of an extensive
mineral region, abounding in gold, silver, and copper, and is well
supported by an agricultural country. It is a jolly sort of place, and
its people are polite and musical, and sufficiently intelligent to
possess a public library with twenty-five thousand volumes, such as they
are. It is thirty-two Spanish leagues from Valparaiso, and by the tough
horses of the country the journey is made in one day. On the score of
horsemanship, no people can excel the Chilians; but they treat their
horses badly, which trait, to my mind, is characteristic of Spanish
blood. In their frivolity and want of sense, they will make more fuss
over a fancy saddle than over a beautiful horse. The prevailing religion
is Roman Catholic, and its customs cast a more depressing shadow upon
society than do the mountains upon the streets of the city. The scenery,
in every direction, is very beautiful, but especially so at the sunset
hour, when the mountain peaks are clothed in the colours of the rainbow.
Taken as a whole, however, Santiago, in spite of its novelties and the
wonderful country which hems it in, is just one of those places where I
would not spend my days if it were given to me in fee-simple.
And now for a passing word about Valparaiso. It was, originally, merely
the seaport for Santiago, but is now abundantly able to hold its own as
a city of fifty thousand souls. It lies on the declivity of a high hill,
and overlooks a handsome bay. It derives its name from _Va-al-Paraiso_,
or _Go to the Paradise_, which is what the earliest settlers used to say
to strangers, when they wished them to visit their capital—Santiago.
The commerce of the port is well represented by the four nationalities
of France, England, Germany, and the United States. Business is
thriving, and the society is really enjoyable. At the present time, the
most noted novelty of the town is an affair called _The Fabrica_, and
established by William P. Williams, of New York. It is a kind of
universal manufacturing establishment, where useful articles, composed
of wood and iron, are turned out to an extent that is simply amazing. I
cannot give the total number of his operations, but I know that he
brought out from Connecticut and New York, at one time, a party of not
less than fifty first-class mechanics. The establishment has done much
to increase the household comforts of the people in these parts, and I
trust is making lots of money for its owner.
It was while carrying on his extensive shipping interests in the Pacific
that he accidentally visited Valparaiso, and one of his first thoughts
was the creation of the Fabrica. The harbour of Valparaiso is not a safe
one, and at times the shipping suffers severely from what are called
_Northers_. Vessels are frequently wrecked directly in front of the
city, and it is quite common to hear the minute-guns at sea during a
gale. The city supports a large barometer in the City Exchange, from the
top of which a signal is elevated, which tells the seamen in port to
“look out for bad weather.” Notwithstanding all this, it is a favourable
resort for the men-of-war of all nations, where they are always
abundantly furnished with supplies. It is a little singular that there
is a point of the city which they call “Cape Horn,” while it is asserted
that, without any real authority, the Government of Chili claims the
veritable Cape Horn as within its jurisdiction.
But I must not forget the earthquakes of this Castilian country. They
are very common and very terrible, but it is said the local accounts
have often been exaggerated. Familiarity with them never breeds
contempt, for the people of to-day seem to dread them more than did
their ancestors three hundred years ago. Some of the Chilian cities have
been destroyed by them two or three times; and it is said of them that,
besides destroying an immense amount of property and many lives, they
are also frequently detrimental to the public health, by changing the
surface of the country and poisoning the vegetation. I am fond of
collecting curiosities, but do not think that I shall carry off an
earthquake.
At sea again. And now I hope to reach Boston without any further
detention, growing out of my deplorable habit of wandering by the
wayside. My present ship is the “Crusader,” and the money I chanced to
make as clerk or supercargo has now been presented to its captain, as a
return for his kindness in receiving me as a passenger.
Once more off Cape Horn: and I have to-day celebrated the event by
stepping over the line which separates youth from manhood. I have
reached the age of twenty-one, and hope to put away all childish habits.
An hour ago a splendid English frigate passed us bound to the Pacific,
and as we dipped our ensign she gave us the glorious music of Yankee
Doodle; and at this moment there are five additional ships in full view.
It is twenty days since we left Valparaiso, and having stopped at one or
two out-of-the-way ports, I will describe them briefly. The first was
Talcahuano, which is considered the best port on the coast of Chili; it
is on the Bay of Concepcion, and has about five thousand inhabitants. It
bears the same relative position to the city of Concepcion that
Valparaiso does to Santiago. Concepcion, however, is only nine miles
from the sea, contains about ten thousand inhabitants, and while it
possesses many advantages for business, and is the centre of a very rich
mineral region, it has, from time immemorial, suffered from the warfare
of hostile Indians, having been pillaged by them on four occasions, and
three times, at least, has it been destroyed by earthquakes. It is
flanked by some of the finest forests in the world, and yet much of the
lumber used in building is brought from the United States. During our
stay at Talcahuano, I made a visit to the neighbouring island of
Quiriquina, where I had a talk with its one solitary male inhabitant,
who, as a shepherd, was attending to a flock of one thousand sheep. He
had his family with him in a small hut, and was about as happy a man as
I saw on the Pacific coast.
At this present writing we are anchored in the port of Stanley, among
the Falkland Islands, two hundred and fifty miles north-east from Cape
Horn, to the right of which the “Evadne” passed on her way to
Valparaiso. It is said that these islands number not less than two
hundred, but there are only two of any great size, and these, upon the
map, look as much like a pair of spiders as anything else. They are,
respectively, eighty and eighty-five miles long, and from forty to fifty
in width. The bays, and sounds, and harbours which encircle them are
enough to mystify a weak-headed man. Towards the north the land is
elevated to the extent of more than two thousand feet, but on the south
it is almost level with the ocean; they are without any trees, and
present the appearance of moorland covered with grass and lichens, and
watered by many small streams, and are desolate enough to satisfy the
most desperate anchorite, but the climate is very agreeable, equable,
and without any extremes of heat or cold. The land is admirably adapted
to grazing, and cattle-raising is the leading business; in several of
the islands wild horses are found in abundance; seals of various kinds
and any number of birds frequent all the shores; and the little port of
Stanley is a favourite resort for the ships of all nations. These
islands were discovered by Davis in 1592, are considered the key to the
Pacific Ocean, and belong to the Government of Great Britain.
To-day I witnessed one of those wonderful displays known as
water-spouts. It came up about a mile from our ship, seemed to be about
twice as high, and in shape resembled an hour-glass. The sea was quite
calm at the time, and in various directions on the horizon we could see
showers of rain. The spectacle lasted about twenty minutes, and this is
what the sailors have told me about them:—The spouts are formed by two
currents of air, which meet and suck up the water into a kind of cone,
when the vapours, which are thus produced, rise into the upper air like
a lily, and thus produce the hour-glass appearance. They are frequently
accompanied by flashes of lightning, and sometimes emit a sulphurous
odour. They are considered dangerous, for if one should happen to burst
near a ship, she would be filled with water in an instant. After the
spout had disappeared, a stiff breeze sprang up, and we had a sunset
that was indescribably brilliant and grand.
It is now just three hundred and forty days since I started from New
York for Boston, during which period I sailed not less than twenty-seven
thousand miles, and at four o’clock this afternoon the good “Crusader”
dropped her anchor within a mile of the Bunker Hill monument. To say
that I am thankful would seem like trifling, and it is not necessary. My
recent experiences have given me many new views of the wonderful
goodness and power of God, and this truth is one which I cannot too
highly estimate.
As a sequel to the above, it may be well enough to append the following.
The voyage to Valparaiso made by our young adventurer was, as might have
been expected, only the precursor to a more elaborate voyage around the
world. When the rebellion commenced in 1861, he happened to be in this
country, and was not slow in offering his services in defence of the
grand old flag. He entered the rank and file of the army, under an
assumed name, served with fidelity as a corporal, until wounded at Cold
Harbour, after which he was occupied for a year as a quartermaster’s
clerk; tiring of that employment, he solicited from President Lincoln an
appointment in the navy, in his real name, as a master’s mate, and was
immediately transferred from the army to a small vessel on the Lower
Potomac, in which he performed much hard duty, and rendered many
services of value, until the close of the war; after which he went to
sea in at least two of our naval vessels, and circumnavigated the globe;
and after his many wanderings, while on his way from Cuba to this
country, he was attacked by the yellow fever, died in less than three
days, and was buried in the ocean, which he loved with an unconquerable
passion. And that wild rover of the sea, and most noble-hearted boy, was
the only brother of the present writer.
MONTAUK POINT.
My first pilgrimage to Montauk Point, or Montaukett, was made in 1858,
since which time I have frequently re-visited it, and always with
renewed pleasure. My favourite mode of reaching it has been by yacht and
fishing smack; but the route by steamboat to Sag Harbour is full of
interest; and so also is the journey by railway from New York city,
through the lovely garden-farms of Long Island, by the way of Greenport,
Sag Harbour, and East Hampton. I have sketched its scenery and manifold
attractions both with pencil and pen, and I now propose to submit a
summary of my observations.
That portion of Long Island known as Montauk Point, or the _Place of the
Manito Tree_, consists of nine thousand acres, and, excepting a small
Indian reservation, is owned in common by the farmers of East Hampton
and Bridgehampton, having been purchased of the Montauk tribe of Indians
more than two hundred years ago. Among the peculiar features of the old
deeds or treaties was this:—“That the Rev. Thomas James and his two
associates should have exclusive right to all the whales that might be
driven upon the shore, while the natives reserved the privilege of
having ‘all the fins and tails.’” The property is divided and
sub-divided into shares, and is used from April to December almost
exclusively as a grazing domain, and the cattle and horses and sheep
which spend their summers there may be counted by the thousand. The
number of shares, which are divided into eighths, is now thirty-four;
and as each eighth is valued at five hundred dollars, we find the total
value of the property to be one hundred and fifty-two thousand dollars.
Near its centre, or three miles from the extreme point, and midway
between Long Island Sound and the ocean, which are here only one mile
and a half apart, is located a rude but comfortable farm-house, whose
occupant is placed there by election, and whose duties as herdsman are
to look after the stock owned by the farmers generally. The present
occupant of this position is a worthy man named Samuel T. Stratton; but
when I first visited it (in 1858), Patrick T. Gould was the occupant, as
he had been for nine years before, and a more obliging and agreeable
family than his, with his three stalwart sons, was never met with by
summer tourists, and a better table than was that of our amiable hostess
can only exist in dreams. Besides the farm-house just mentioned, another
three miles further inward, where a second herdsman named Osborne is
stationed, and the lighthouse, the only habitable buildings on the
promontory are those belonging to a small remnant of Indians, clustered
on the northern shore on what are called the Indian Fields. As may be
supposed, therefore, the leading artificial feature of the region is the
lighthouse. It was built in 1799, of red sandstone brought from
Connecticut by one John M‘Comb, at a cost of twenty-five thousand
dollars. It stands within a few hundred paces of the extreme eastern
point of Long Island—a spot called by the Indians _Wamponomon_. The
turf above which it rises is eighty feet above high tide, and its
lantern eighty-six feet from the ground. For fifty-three years it
performed its office, after the fashion of the olden times, during which
period it was surmounted by the effigy of an Indian’s head; but in 1849
the Government thought proper to dress it up with modern improvements at
a cost of eleven thousand dollars, so that the prospects have been much
brightened. The very complete and beautiful lantern now there was a
present from the French Government, and has its history. When it arrived
in this country, the collector of New York was not informed as to its
destination, and after the lapse of a certain time he had it sold to pay
the duty; and having been purchased for seventy dollars by a lover of
auction elephants, that person subsequently sold it to the Government
for nine hundred, and it was assigned to Montauk.
The lighthouse has now been on duty about seventy-four years, and the
names of the men—most of them good men and true—who have been its
keepers are Jacob Hand, Henry Baker, Patrick T. Gould (who occupied the
position for nearly eighteen years), John Hobert, Silas P. Lopez, Jason
M. Terbel, Jonathan E. Paine, William S. Gardiner, Joseph Stanton, J. A.
Miller, and Thomas P. Ripley, the present incumbent. In former times the
dwelling of the keeper stood in a little hollow, back of the lighthouse,
and his pay was three hundred and fifty dollars per annum; at present
his dwelling is attached to the lighthouse itself, and his pay is seven
hundred dollars, with two assistants. A better place to study the phases
of the ocean, the beauties of the sky, the powers of the wind, or the
fantastic performances of the fog, cannot be found on the Atlantic
coast; and any lover of nature who may be privileged to spend a week or
a month on this spot will have freighted his mind with emotions and
thoughts that will be cherished to the end of his days.
But now for a topographical description of Montauk Point. Its surface is
undulating to a remarkable degree, and it is well named, for the meaning
of Montauk is hilly country; and while all the hills are covered with a
green sward, in many of the little valleys or hollows is to be found a
rank growth of stunted forest. The tops of the trees are invariably on a
level with the surrounding hills, for the winter storms long since
issued a mandate that there should be no towering aristocracy among the
woods of Montauk. To my mind the general scenery bears a striking
resemblance to the rolling prairies of the Far West, and a friend who
has visited England informs me that nothing could be more like the Downs
of Devonshire than the hills of Montauk; only that the former are more
lofty, and have more imposing coast scenery. One thing is certain, lofty
as many of them are, and woodless as are the whole, and looking out as
they do upon the ocean, they are very grand, and inevitably make a deep
impression upon the mind of the beholder. But such has not always been
the character of the country. Originally it was completely covered with
luxuriant forests, but in 1815 and 1823 it was visited by two
hurricanes, which levelled all the towering vegetation, and the trees
having rotted away or been used as fuel, the hills have only in later
years put on their beautiful vesture of green. In no part of the region
is to be found anything like a running stream, but tiny ponds, teeming
with white and yellow lilies, are met with in all directions; and on the
western border of the reserve, or common domain, are two more ambitious
sheets of water, which might be called lakes. The larger one is called
Great Pond, is perhaps two miles and a half in length, and most
abundantly supplied with white perch; the other is Fort Pond, something
over half a mile long, and has upon its shores many interesting
memorials of the Indian race, who once inhabited what is now known as
the “Indian Fields.” Two smaller sheets of water, contiguous to the
above, are Oyster Pond and Reed Pond. Westward of the above-mentioned
ponds there is a strip of country which really belongs to Montauk, for
its western boundary consists of the Nommonock Hills, and here are to be
found two or three farm-houses, but they only increase the loveliness of
the scenery. The rock formation of Montauk is almost exclusively
confined to boulders; and while the southern or ocean coast is lofty and
imposing, it is composed of gravelly points, with grass growing to their
crumbling edges, and everywhere looking down upon a fine beach or
shingle, and upon as superb a surf as the world affords. The northern,
or Sound shore, though less imposing, is perhaps more varied, and is to
some extent supplied with harbours for small vessels.
With regard to the early history of Montauk, it is chiefly associated
with the Indians, and although involved in much obscurity, what has come
down to us in an authentic form proves that they were a remarkable and
interesting people. It was said of them by one of their descendants, on
being questioned as to their numbers—“If you can count the spears of
grass, you can count the Indians who were living when I was a boy.” The
earliest of their chiefs, of whom anything is positively known, was
_Wyandanch_, or Wyandannee; he assumed the royal authority in 1651; had
thirteen tribes under his sway; and was sachem of the whole of
“Paumanacke,” or Long Island. In person the men of the tribe were tall
and of lofty bearing, and they were expert in the arts of war. In
religion they were idolaters, and had gods for the four corners of the
earth, the four seasons of the year, the elements of fire, air, and
water, and for the products of the earth, one each for the day and
night, the sun and moon and stars, and one for the hearthstone of home.
Their canoes were of the largest class, some of them capable of holding
eighty persons, and in them did they extend their coasting voyages as
far as the towns of Boston and New York. The canoe of the great chief
was so large that it required eight men to draw it upon the shore. In
the arts their advancement was limited, and their principal articles of
manufacture were shell beads or wampum, which they supplied to the
nations on the main shore. The earliest efforts to introduce
civilisation and Christianity among them were made in 1660, and the
worthy man who pioneered the way in this enterprise was the Rev. Thomas
James, but of his success little is known. In 1740 the Rev. Azariah
Horton succeeded him in that missionary field, and in 1798 the Rev. Paul
Cuffee, a Shinecock Indian, entered upon a missionary life among the
Montauk Indians, in which capacity he served until his death in 1812.
When Sag Harbour was successfully engaged in the whaling business, many
of the Montauk Indians shipped as sailors, and seldom returned to reside
in their native village, and at the present time the nation has been
reduced to a remnant of five miserable families. As in the olden times,
they live upon fish and berries, and on such vegetables as their small
gardens will afford; and yet they claim that one of their number, who
died about one year ago, was their legitimate chief, or king, as they
loved to call him. His son, a young man, is the present occupant of the
throne; his disputed dominion comprises the entire area of the “Indian
Fields.”
The precise time when this aboriginal nation began rapidly to decline is
not known, but the great event which caused their downfall has been
graphically narrated by their best historian, the late John Gardener.
The Montauk Indians, as he tells us, were the allies of the Pequots.
When the country was first settled, a war prevailed between the Pequots
on the one side and the Narragansetts, who were very numerous, on the
other. The Block Island Indians took part with the latter, the Montauks
with the former; and in this war the Montauks received a heavy blow from
the Block Island Indians. On one memorable evening the fighting men of
both tribes set out on an expedition in their war canoes. It was the
summer season and at the full of the moon. They met about half way
between their several camping grounds, but owing to the glare of the
moon the Block Island Indians were not seen by their enemies, and
profiting by this accident, they hurriedly returned to their island,
secreted their wives and children, and arranged themselves in ambush.
The Montauks, not dreaming of the danger, arrived at their
landing-place, hauled up their canoes, and silently approached the
wigwams of their enemies, supposed to be asleep. They fell into the
ambush, and while one party was killing them, another proceeded to
destroy the canoes, slaying a number of men who attempted to get away.
They were all killed or captured, excepting a few who escaped in one
canoe and carried the melancholy news to their friends. The leader of
this Montauk band was taken alive and carried to Narragansett. There a
large rock was heated to excess, by building fires upon it, and the
unfortunate captive was ordered to walk to and fro upon it with his bare
feet. He sang his death song, and with erect form and unflinching eye
obeyed the cruel orders; and after his feet had been burned to a crisp,
he fell, and the barbarians finished as usual in such cases. And this
event ended the long continued war between the two nations.
As to the number of wrecks that have occurred on Montauk Point within
the last thirty years, they have been numerous and disastrous both to
life and property. Among the more noted vessels lost were the schooner
“Triumph,” the whale-ship “Forrester,” the brig “Marcellus,” the bark
“Algea,” the light boat “Nantucket,” the brig “Flying Cloud,” the ship
“John Milton,” and the steamship “Amsterdam,” laden with fruit from
Malaga. The incidents which have been narrated to me touching these
various calamities, do not incline me to fall in love with the ocean on
the score of humanity, and I was surprised to learn that much the larger
proportion of the poor mariners wrecked on the coast of Montauk had been
saved. The most fearful calamity was that which befell the ship “John
Milton,” and her wreck was almost the first object that I saw and
sketched on my first visit to the region, and it was long before I could
banish the story of her fate from my mind. Her burden was nearly fifteen
hundred tons. She was from the South Pacific, bound to New York, laden
with guano, and went ashore in a snow-storm, on the night of the 19th of
January 1858. Her crew consisted of twenty-six persons, and on the day
following the catastrophe their dead bodies were all found scattered
along the beach, and were subsequently buried in the village of East
Hampton. Not content with having sent this noble ship upon the shore,
the ocean for some weeks was unceasingly hammering away with its huge
and savage breakers upon the timbers of the poor hulk, until every
vestige had disappeared for ever. And thus has it been in every clime;
“man marks the earth with ruin; his control stops with the shore.”
In connection with the frequent shipwrecks, it is due to the General
Government that its wisdom and beneficence should be mentioned. At
various localities on the Montauk coast there have been established a
number of Relief Houses, where at all times may be found a supply of
fuel and food and clothing, as well as signal guns, appropriate cordage
and life-boats, which, during the rigour of winter, have been found of
the greatest benefit to the unfortunate mariners. Nor has this region of
solitude been without its deeds of personal heroism. I have seen a
beautiful gold medal, upon which are inscribed these words: “_Vita
Feliciter Ausis Servata_. Presented, January 1857, to Patrick T. Gould,
for his courage and humanity in saving from inevitable death the crew of
the brig Flying Cloud, wrecked on Montauk Point, L. I., December 14,
1856.” Reverse: “Life Saving Benevolent Association of New York.
Incorporated March 29, 1849.” Of this worthy man I would further remark
that he was born in East Hampton, spent his early life as a carpenter in
New York city, was keeper of the Montauk Light for seventeen and a half
years, and keeper also for nine years of the Herdsman’s House at Indian
Fields, where I formed his acquaintance and that of his interesting
family; and at the present time leading, in the seventy-first year of
his age, the peaceful life of a farmer on the outskirts of East Hampton,
and occupying the identical house where he spent his childhood.
On the score of fishing and shooting, Montauk Point is decidedly a
region of the first water. Of striped bass and blue-fish, in their
season, there literally seems to be no end. On a reef near the
lighthouse, there have been taken with the net, in the autumn, as many
as a thousand bass in a single night; but all along the ocean shore, the
bass and blue-fish are taken by trolling with an ivory or leaden squid;
and, what I have never known elsewhere, both these fish are taken here
continually, by “heaving and hauling,” while standing on the beach. On
these occasions the squid is covered with an eel-skin, and you throw the
bait directly in the surf. The sport is rather laborious, but nothing
could be better to expand the chest, and there is certainly something
quite novel in the idea of dragging your prize by main strength,
directly on the smooth white shore. In this manner, on one occasion, I
saw two fishermen capture a cart-load of fish in less than one hour,
ranging in weight from six to twenty pounds. Another mode of fishing
with the hand-line is to float along the shore in a surf-boat, throwing
the bait into the surf as before, while the boatman keeps the little
craft in a proper and safe position. The only trouble is, that if you
happen to be caught by one of the big waves at the moment of breaking,
you may be instantly swamped and drowned. In your excitement, however,
you are apt to forget all this; and especially is this the case when,
through the pure water, you see the huge fish darting to and fro between
the great boulders, which seem to cover the bottom of the ocean
immediately around Montauk Point. Black-fish, sea bass and paugies,
flounders and cod-fish, may also be taken in this vicinity; but they are
not much sought after, when the bass and blue-fish are about. Indeed, so
abundant are all these varieties, that, during the summer, you may see,
at all times of day, a fleet of fishing smacks floating in bird-like
beauty upon the neighbouring waters. As already stated, the white perch
are found in the Montauk lakes; and it is worthy of note that the Rev.
Dr. William Berrian, of New York, by way of enjoying the ocean and fine
scenery of the Point, was in the habit of annually catching perch there
for about thirty years, excepting when travelling in Europe, and always
tarried with the Goulds. It is only now and then, in the later years,
that whales are to be seen in these parts, but in the olden times they
were abundant. Two hundred years ago, according to the old records, the
art of killing whales seems to have been unknown; and there were parties
of men from the interior, who in “squadrons” visited Montauk, for the
purpose of taking possession of the carcasses that were stranded on the
shores. At a later period it was customary to fit out expeditions of
several whale boats, and cruise along the coast in the whaling season,
camping out at night on the Montauk headlands, and leading as wild and
romantic a life as could well be imagined. These expeditions usually
lasted from one to two weeks, and the adventurers were composed of white
men from the interior villages of Long Island, and the Indians of
Montauk.
But the shooting on Montauk is quite as good as its fishing. Foxes were
formerly very abundant, but are becoming less so; and as there is
nothing to prevent you from seeing them running over the hills, when a
mile distant, the chase with hounds might be indulged in to the greatest
perfection.
Beavers were also abundant in former times, but are now extinct, and
their place has been supplied by musk-rats, which are found in every
pond. In the autumn, however, the whole Point swarms with wild fowl,
such as geese, swan, brant, a dozen varieties of ducks, hill plover and
curlew. A single gun, carried by a good sportsman, has often brought to
wagon, instead of bag, a dozen or twenty geese before breakfast of a
November morning. Indeed, so abundant has been the game here, and so
extensive the reputation of Mrs. Gould’s table, during her husband’s
occupancy of the Herdsman’s Retreat, that she has on many occasions been
willingly obliged to harbour for the night half a hundred wild and happy
sportsmen from the neighbouring as well as distant cities.
And here, leaving the aforesaid sportsmen engaged in recounting their
unnumbered adventures around the blazing fire in the Retreat, I will
repeat a bird-story which is almost pathetic. On one occasion, in 1857,
Mr. Gould stumbled upon the skeleton of a dead eagle, about one mile
from his house, and found attached to one of its legs _an iron trap_.
Six months before, a Sag Harbour newspaper had stated that a large eagle
had flown over the town with something hanging to its body, and as the
trap was after a pattern not found in the Eastern States, it was
presumed that the noble bird had put his foot into the cruel iron
somewhere on our Western frontier, and had flown just far enough to die
within sound of the ocean’s roar. Had the poet Campbell known of such an
incident as this, he might have added a new sentiment to his splendid
poem of “The Dead Eagle.”
With regard to the bathing facilities of Montauk I have not found them
what I expected, but not on account of a scarcity of water, certainly.
There are no bathing-houses, and, excepting when there is a dead calm,
the surf is too rough on the southern shore and the sandy slopes too
steep, while the northern shore is not only too far off from the
Lighthouse or the Herdsman’s Retreat, but is generally tame. According
to the experience of the ladies who have always accompanied me to this
region, the best and only safe beach is directly in front of the
Retreat. When we were first there, and guests of the Gould family, the
hull of a wrecked brig called the “Flying Cloud,” afforded us more
facilities than the best of bathing-houses. And this reminds me of one
of our morning expeditions. The Gould House and the wreck were in sight
of each other, although the intervening space of three quarters of a
mile was filled up with gently rolling hills. I had preceded the ladies
to the beach for the purpose of fishing for an hour, and they were to
meet me at the wreck. When they left the house at ten o’clock there was
a slight fog, but before they had walked fifty rods, it swept over the
landscape in almost a solid mass, and as there was no path, they soon
found themselves bewildered and lost. After waiting more than an hour,
and wondering at their delay, I started in search, and very soon found
myself in the same predicament. I saw three objects on a hill, and
feeling confident that the lost were found, I hurried on, when three
large mullen stalks waved their congratulations to me, under the
influence of the breeze. At about the same time, as was afterwards made
known, the ladies saw what they supposed to be their relative, with his
uncouth hat, standing in anxious attitude on the summit of a hill, and
shouting his name unanimously, and rushing to him for protection, they
found, not him, but a withered Scotch thistle. As may be supposed,
matters now became very much “mixed up,” and yet there was really
nothing to be seen but fog—dense, wet, and salty fog. Without any
previous arrangement, they were all in the full excitement—I cannot say
enjoyment—of a fog bath, and, instead of buffeting the breakers of the
sea, they were in constant danger of breaking their necks, one and all,
in their ground and lofty tumbling on the hills. But a meeting-time
finally arrived, and whether it was followed by a larger demonstration
of laughter than of tears on the part of the way-worn and disgusted
ladies, I have not been able to decide. In their opinion the “Children
in the Wood” must have had a good time compared with that of the women
in the fog. Soon after noon, however, the mists all cleared away, and
lo! a surprise! There was the Gould House in full view of the party, and
not a hundred yards distant. For consolation the entire party then went
aside to the margin of a small pond, and gathering as many exquisite
lilies as we could carry, turned our faces homeward, where we were
welcomed by our bright and kind-hearted hostess, as well as by a general
assortment of jokes touching our morning adventures.
This allusion to one of our Montauk mishaps brings vividly to my mind
just now some other interesting recollections. It was a glorious day,
for example, and I had gone forth alone, determined to give all its
golden hours to what men call idleness. I started from the Gould Retreat
after an early breakfast, and the roar of the surf attracted me first to
the southern beach, where, in a ramble of half a mile, I saw in my very
pathway wonders enough to fill me with amazement. In a little pool,
hemmed in by a huge boulder, I captured two crabs, one of which was an
awkward creature, resembling a spider, whose entire body was covered
with zoophytes, while the other had flattened legs, which he used as
oars, and whose active motions were allied to those of a man playing on
a fiddle. I picked up also a number of star fish, and watched them
pretending to be dead; saw them travel in a perfectly straight line in
spite of every obstacle; tried, but in vain, to count their feet or
suckers, and as I examined their tiny mouths, felt disposed to doubt the
naturalists, who tell us that these nondescripts have it in their power
to eat oysters. I seated myself upon the spar of a wrecked vessel, which
was covered with barnacles, and while digging in the sand, turned up a
splendid specimen of the jelly-fish, known as the Portuguese man-of-war,
which, my fancy told me, might have voyaged a thousand miles in the Gulf
Stream only to be washed ashore, where rested the remains of the goodly
vessel made by man, both of them meeting with a similar and unexpected
fate. The eggs of the skate and shark, which look so much like articles
of human manufacture as to have received the name of mermaid’s purses,
were to be seen in every direction, but they were all empty, while their
sometime denizens, perhaps, were at that time roaming along the coast
from Hatteras to Cape Cod. Pausing at a pile of sea-weed, I plucked some
specimens that were so small and delicate as to be hardly visible to the
naked eye, and at the same time drew forth other specimens which were a
foot wide and twenty feet long. Bright pebbles and curious shells,
flocks of sand-pipers and gulls, and sand-skippers by the myriad, all in
their turn attracted my attention and excited my wonder. And now I
paused, for the hundredth time, to gaze upon the wild careering waves,
as they came from tropic climes, all clothed in living green, only to
die in foam upon the shore. But the music of the ocean seemed to delight
me more, if that were possible, than its magnificent evolutions. To my
ear there was the deep moan of the ground swell, then the roaring and
the laughing of curling breakers, afterwards the cannon-like reports of
the water dashing on the rocks and pebbles; and, finally, the surging
and the hissing of the waves as they melted in the sand. Ascending to
the summit of a cliff, and casting another look upon the sea, I could
not discover a single sail, and as I recollected that a line drawn from
the spot where I stood to the Cape of Good Hope would not cross a foot
of land, I turned away, more deeply impressed than ever before with the
immensity of the ocean and the omnipotence of that Great Being who holds
it in the hollow of His hand.
* * * * *
My second lounging place was on the margin of one of the forest islands
peculiar to Montauk. The whole mass of vegetation seemed to spring from
a bed of water, and from its density and impenetrable character, it was
impossible fully to comprehend its botanical features. The predominating
trees, however, were scrubby oaks and stunted pines, oddly shaped and
fantastic, and covered with moss, which seemed to have braved a thousand
years the storms of the sea and land. On the edges of the swampy wood,
the sweet briar vied with the yellow lily in perfuming the air;
blackberry bushes held aloft great clusters of fruit, as if to mock the
barren and nameless vines that were running and twisting themselves in
every direction; and luxuriant ferns formed everywhere hiding-places for
the wood duck and her brood. On approaching one particular alder bush,
two blackbirds suddenly appeared, flew rapidly in a circle just above my
head, and their cries of alarm convinced me that a nest of young birds
was near, and when I discovered them, the parents would not be quiet
until I was entirely out of the way. They thought it very uncivil of me
even to look at them, and yet the rascals would, in a short time, be
busily engaged, with thousands of their kindred, in robbing the
neighbouring corn-fields. Having thus been driven from the wood, where I
expected to be amused for at least an hour, I concluded it was only a
fit place for corn robbers to hatch their young in, and so passed on,
when I was suddenly startled by a grey fox, that came down the hill-side
like the wind, and bolted directly into the wood. There is another
robber, thought I, and this swamp is his home, and so I departed
forthwith in pursuit of more agreeable companions.
* * * * *
My next saunter was along the eastern border of the Great Pond. Mr.
Gould’s sail boat, the only thing which identified that sheet of water
with civilisation, was floating idly at her moorings, and I determined
to have a sail, and perhaps a little sport in the way of fishing.
Turning over a few stones, I obtained some bait, and knowing that the
boat was supplied with tackle, I waded out, pulled up anchor, hoisted
sail, and bore away before a pleasant breeze. In every direction, even
where the lake was fifteen feet deep, I found grass, or a kind of weed
resembling it, growing abundantly; but finally coming to an open spot, I
put the boat about, and in half an hour caught white perch enough to
supply a regiment. By this time the breeze had died away, and as I
fancied it would take me a month to sail back to “the haven where I
would be,” I seized an oar, and worked my passage to the nearest shore,
which proved to be the northern extremity of the Pond. Here I found a
stray Indian! and having hired him to take the boat back to its harbour,
presented him with my fish, and continued my independent journey. I
visited the Indian hamlet, was pleased with the rude but picturesque
cabins and gentle manners of the Indian women, but could derive no
pleasure from realising the sad events of their national history, and so
I turned my face to the Herdsman’s Retreat. I then had a walk before me
of nearly three miles over the highest of the Montauk hills, and upon
which nearly all the live stock of the farmers happened at that time to
be congregated. A more delightful walk than that I have seldom enjoyed.
The height of this hill I do not know, but by the aborigines it was
called “Shagwannock,” or Big Hill, and upon its summit they built their
watch fires in time of war. But the panoramic pictures which appeared to
my eyes, as well as those of which it formed a part, were all as
peaceful as the soft summer air which slumbered upon land and ocean. In
the north and north-west were the waters of the Sound, dotted with snowy
sails, the green island owned by the Gardiner family, and beyond it the
blue Connecticut shore; on the east and south, nothing but the great
Atlantic, with the horizon line only broken by the towering lighthouse;
and in the west were the gentle hills of Long Island fading to the sky.
At one time, I saw a splendid bull standing on a hill, with a flock of
sheep grazing by his side; a glance into one of the deep glens revealed
a herd of perhaps five hundred head of cattle, of all colours and many
kinds, and in groups and attitudes that would have delighted the Cattle
Queen of France; anon I came in sight of a small group of sleepy oxen,
standing so near the extreme summit of a hill, that they were pictured
wholly against the sky; and finally, I was permitted to enjoy the poetry
of motion, as a cavalcade of horses, which had been frightened by an
Indian dog, came swooping over the hills, tearing up the sod in their
way, and snorting with the rare excitement. With these and similar
pictures, I amused myself until the middle of the afternoon, and while
counting on a glorious sunset scene, a thunderstorm rose in the west,
and in half an hour after I had reached the Retreat, it burst in all its
indescribable beauty and gloom: its horrors having been enhanced by the
wild bellowing of the cattle, which had now congregated in one vast
herd, and were goring each other and madly running to and fro. The
lightning struck in many places, and among its victims was one of the
finest bulls on Montauk.
* * * * *
And here, in passing, I must not forget to make an additional remark
about Gardiner’s Island, alluded to in the last paragraph. I had seen it
a hundred times before resting like a cloud on the tranquil bosom of the
Sound, and have often trolled for blue-fish in the adjacent waters, but
because it was a private domain, and although the original proprietor
was of my kindred, I never landed upon its shores. Its dimensions are
about equal to those of Montauk, which it somewhat resembles in its
general characteristics. It was purchased of the Manchonock Indians in
1639, by Lyon Gardiner, and by him was called the Isle of Wight, in
honour of his native island, but as it has always been occupied by his
descendants, it has come to bear his name. The present proprietor is the
tenth in descent from the original purchaser, and the estate was styled
a manor or lordship, although none of the family ever claimed the
kindred title. It was one of the few places where the pirate Kidd
actually buried some of his treasures, consisting of gold and silver and
precious stones, and which, when discovered, were turned over to the
colony of Massachusetts. The woodland upon this island has been
protected with care, and is of a larger growth than any other in this
latitude, and about one-third of the land is in a high state of
cultivation. The main dwelling and various outhouses were built about
one hundred years ago; the inhabitants number nearly a hundred, and are
all under the rule of the proprietor. The farming operations are on a
large scale, the leading products being corn, oats, and wheat, neat
cattle, sheep, and horses, as well as butter and cheese from a very
large and very well managed dairy. Taken as a whole, on account of its
beauty, its extent, its history and relics of the past, it is one of the
most interesting places on the Atlantic seaboard, and those who may
desire to visit it may count upon always being received according to the
most approved rules of hospitality. With regard to one of the members of
the Gardiner family, the late John Lyon, it may be said that he was a
devoted antiquarian, thoroughly versed in the history of Eastern Long
Island, and probably did more than any other man to perpetuate the
history of the Montauk Indians.
As the Montauk Lighthouse, by virtue of its position and duties,
exercises a kind of guardian care over all who may come within the range
of its influence, and as I have already touched upon its history, I
would fain pay to it a “passing paragraph of praise.” On no other spot
of earth, it seems to me, could a lover of nature ever be brought in
closer contact with the ocean and the sky.
To be there in a heavy fog, when the alarm bell is sounding forth its
dismal warnings; or when the trampling surf and the booming thunder, all
in the glare of sheeted lightning, are striving to excel each other in
their tumultuous roarings, would be to have experiences never to be
forgotten. But if a thing of beauty is indeed a joy for ever, it only
requires a brief sojourn at the Point, for a man to store away in his
memory an ever-varying collection of pictures, marvellous for their
loveliness. First come the glories of sunrise, as “the king of the
bright days” emerges from the deep, accompanied by his retinue of
crimson and golden clouds; then the effulgence of noon, when the ocean
is sleeping; the afternoon, when the sky and the sea are blended
together in one vast domain of pearly loveliness, vague and wonderful;
the sunset hour, when we might fancy the gates of paradise are opening
in the west; the long twilight, with its brood of treasured memories,
roused into activity by the plaintive monotone of the waves; the rising
moon, scattering its treasures of silver across the ocean, in the wake
of the distant ships, and on the tops of the remote hills; midnight,
with its silence and its starry worlds; and then the dawn, when the
land-birds begin to sing, and the sea-birds leap from their
resting-places to wander everywhere in search of food, on tireless
pinions free. And then the views from the lantern of the lighthouse are
interesting in the extreme, whether you look down, as it was my fortune,
upon a fleet of more than a hundred mackerel fishermen, with a whale
rolling along in the offing, and sporting defiance to the toilers of the
sea; whether you watch a brilliant sunset above a sea of fog; or look
upon the Montauk hills when covered with a thin fog, and the immense
herds of cattle as they fade away resemble the spectres of a dream.
These, and unnumbered others of their character, are the treasures which
the true-hearted lover of Nature may enjoy in the greatest perfection on
old Montauk.
* * * * *
I have been informed, by one who has known this region for more than
fifty years, that even within his recollection marked changes have taken
place in the outline of its shores; and while the encroachments are
generally made by the sea, there are one or two spots near the Point
where new land has been formed and is still forming. Indeed, very
important changes have taken place within my own recollection. It seems
to me that the lighthouse itself is not on a secure foundation, and it
may have to be rebuilt in twenty or thirty years. But this subject of
the changes which time is continually making upon the earth’s surface
recalls to my mind a very beautiful passage from the pen of Mohammed
Kazwyny, a naturalist, who lived in the thirteenth century; the original
manuscript is preserved in the Royal Library at Paris, the English
translator from the French translation was Charles Lyell, and the
extract is given as the narrative of an imaginary personage as
follows:—
“I passed one day by a very ancient and wonderfully populous city, and
asked one of its inhabitants how long it had been founded. ‘It is,
indeed, a mighty city,’ replied he, ‘we know not how long it has
existed, and our ancestors were on this subject as ignorant as
ourselves.’ Five centuries afterwards, as I passed by the same place, I
could not perceive the slightest vestige of the city. I demanded of a
peasant, who was gathering herbs upon its former site, how long it had
been destroyed. ‘In sooth, a strange question!’ replied he. ‘The ground
here has never been different from what you now behold it.’ ‘Was there
not of old,’ said I, ‘a splendid city here?’ ‘Never,’ answered he, ‘so
far as we have seen, and never did our fathers speak to us of any such.’
On my return there five hundred years afterwards, _I found the sea in
the same place_, and on its shores were a party of fishermen, of whom I
inquired how long the land had been covered by the waters. ‘Is this a
question,’ said they, ‘for a man like you? This spot has always been
what it is now.’ I returned again five hundred years afterwards, and the
sea had disappeared. I inquired of a man who stood alone upon the spot,
how long ago this change had taken place, and he gave me the same answer
I had received before. Lastly, on coming back after an equal lapse of
time, I found there a flourishing city, more populous and more rich in
beautiful buildings than the city I had seen the first time, and when I
would fain have informed myself concerning its origin the inhabitants
answered me: ‘Its rise is lost in remote antiquity; we are ignorant how
long it has existed, and our fathers were, on this subject, as ignorant
as ourselves.’”
* * * * *
As Montauk is one of the pleasantest places in the world to visit, so is
it a most agreeable place from which to depart, especially if you have
visited it by sea, and return by the way of East Hampton. It is a drive
of twenty-one miles, almost continually in view of the ocean, but at the
same time remarkable for its variety of scenery. The first
stopping-place as you come westward is the house of George Osborne,
which is flanked by a bay running up from the Sound, and directly in
front of which is a splendid beach, where may always be seen the
skeleton of a stranded ship or the bones of a whale. Mr. Osborne’s
business is to look after the sheep for the Montauk Company, and, on
account of his superior qualities as a host, he is a great favourite
with the sporting fraternity. But the most striking feature which you
cross is Neapeague Beach or water land, which connects Montauk with the
main part of Long Island, and where the grassy feature is only relieved
by artificial landmarks, and where nothing is heard but the hum of
mosquitoes, the scream of the bittern and plover, and the roar of the
ocean. Before reaching and after leaving Neapeague, you pass through
picturesque woods and an occasional house, where comfort and repose are
quite at home, catch charming glimpses both of the ocean and the Sound,
and are tempted to exclaim: “This is glorious, and I would like to go
back and try it all over again.”
* * * * *
Then comes the lovely little hamlet called Amagansett, which is the
easternmost cluster of houses to be found on Long Island, and finally
you enter for a good long rest, as you will try to make it, the
exquisite rural village of East Hampton. Here you will find in their
greatest perfection grassy streets, brown houses, flanked by cheerful
gardens and orchards, two pretty little churches, a comfortable inn or
summer hotel, all the advantages of the best sea-bathing, and such
polite, kind-hearted, and unpretending people, that you will fain for
the time being almost forget Montauk, and look about you for a permanent
location. This gem of an old-fashioned village was founded in 1648, and
is the only place in the United States, that I remember, excepting St.
Augustine, in Florida, which has not been visited by the blasting
influences of Mammon. It was purchased of the Indians by two Colonial
Governors, named Eaton and Hopkins, and assigned to the original
settlers for the sum of £30, 4s. 8d. sterling. The first name given to
the plantation was that of Maidstone, after the English town from which
the inhabitants had emigrated. It has been stated as a singular fact,
that in the one hundred and ninety-fifth year of its existence, the
village contained precisely the same number of houses that it did when
the settlement was first completed.
The laws which governed the community were those of Connecticut, and
were noted for their Puritan strictness; and one of the first steps
taken by the people, after they had furnished their thatched cottages,
was to erect a church in 1651. That church was enlarged in 1673, and
again in 1698, remodelled in 1717 and in 1822, and in June of the year
1871 razed to the ground. Queen Anne of England honoured herself by
furnishing it with a bell, which, however, was cracked many years ago;
and the fragments, as well as the original vane of the church, have
passed into the possession of the Long Island Historical Society. For
about one hundred and fifty years after it was founded, its pulpit was
supplied by a number of very able and sincerely zealous preachers, whose
memories are fondly cherished by the present inhabitants, viz., Thomas
James, who did much good as a missionary among the Indians; Nathaniel
Huntting, a kinsman of the famous martyr John Rogers; Samuel Buell, who
studied with Jonathan Edwards, and founded the village academy; and
Lyman Beecher, who was settled in 1799, and for eleven years filled the
old church with his fiery eloquence. But the fact that John Howard
Payne, the author of “Home, Sweet Home,” spent a portion of his boyhood
here (where his father was a teacher in the village academy), is alone
sufficient to endear the place to every home-loving American. If Eastern
Long Island may boast that she once harboured the progenitor of the
distinguished Beecher family, so may Central Long Island claim the
honour of having fostered Ebenezer Prime, another celebrated clergyman,
who was also the ancestor of a brotherhood of highly gifted men in the
departments of theology, medicine, and literature.
SALMON-FISHING ON THE RIVER JACQUES CARTIER.
Some of my friends, the wise of their generation, have occasionally
expressed surprise at my fondness for angling. While the phantoms of
their summer pursuit have been associated with conventional life in
pent-up cities, it has been my choice, supplied with sketching-materials
and fishing-tackle, to breathe the pure air of the wilderness. I have no
desire to combat the prejudices alluded to; but, by way of showing how
much may be seen and enjoyed during a single fishing excursion, I
propose to write a chapter about the Jacques Cartier river, in Lower
Canada. In 1859 I made a flying visit to this stream, which resulted,
first, in my tumbling into its pure waters, and secondly, in my falling
in love with one of the most beautiful rivers on the continent. On
several occasions since then have I visited it; and if I can now impart
to my reader a tithe of my pleasurable experiences, I shall be quite
contented. On the score of novelty, moreover, I desire no better fortune
to attend this chapter than has already attended my descriptions of the
Saguenay river and Lake Memphremagog, since it was not long ago that two
distinguished American authors, after travelling far over the world,
first visited them, and expressed surprise at their grandeur and beauty.
I beg the favourite authors alluded to not to rest satisfied until they
have followed me a little further in my American wanderings, and have
finally spent a summer on the Jacques Cartier.
This river derives its name from the famous discoverer of Canada, who
wintered at its mouth in 1536. It rises in a mountain wilderness,
bounded on the north by Lake St. John and the Saguenay river, and, after
a winding course of perhaps one hundred miles, empties into the St.
Lawrence twenty-five miles above or westward of Quebec.
Its waters are dark, but very pure, and its entire bed and banks are
extremely rocky, slate, granite, and limestone lending their strata to
diversify the scenery.
In the variety of its scenery, indeed, as well as in beauty, it is
probably not excelled by any other river, and from its fountain-head to
the St. Lawrence it is made up of a continued succession of small lakes
and rapids, deep pools and falls, with high and fantastic banks,
everywhere covered with luxuriant vegetation in a state of nature. The
country out of which it runs is a vast forest, only intersected by the
hunting-trails of the Lorette Indians, who go there in the winter to
kill the boar and the caribou. Just before emerging from this wild
region, it runs along the eastern base of a mountain called Tsonnontonan
or Great Mountain, which, although only two thousand feet high, commands
a view of about one hundred miles of the St. Lawrence valley, as well as
the blue tops of the Vermont and New Hampshire mountains. The country
lying south of the Great Mountain is comparatively level and tolerably
well cultivated, the population being wholly composed of habitans, but
the immediate banks and valley of the Jacques Cartier are everywhere in
their primeval condition. Indeed, on account of its ravine-like
character, it was marked out more than one hundred years ago by military
men as a natural barrier that could be made available for the protection
of Quebec from a foe marching upon it from the west; and it is well
known that in 1759 the French, after they were expelled from the citadel
city, found a safe retreat on the western side of the Jacques Cartier.
Good fording-places are almost unknown, and the localities where bridges
are practicable are few and far between, the only bridges now spanning
the stream being one ten miles from its mouth, another about a mile
below, called Dery’s Bridge, and one in sight of the St. Lawrence. My
stopping-place has always been in the immediate vicinity of Dery’s
Bridge, and I must now tell the reader how this delightful locality may
be reached. (And here I would notify my readers, that while writing in
the present tense, the time of which I speak was before the building of
the railroad from Montreal to Quebec.) From Montreal you have to take
the regular evening steamboat for Quebec, which will, provided you have
despatched a proper telegram beforehand, transfer you into a small boat
off Cape Sante, about three o’clock in the morning, and in that pleasant
village you can obtain a calash that will take you to Dery’s Bridge in
less than two hours. From Quebec, and that I think the better
starting-place, there are two routes, and either of them will repay the
tourist or angler; but the best course to pursue is to go by the river
route and return by the other, which is inland. Every mile of the
first-named road commands some object of interest, and while the first
seven miles are as smooth as a floor, and lined on either side by
elegant country residences and mansions, the balance of the way presents
a continuous view of the superb St. Lawrence, the neat cottages and
thatched barns of the habitant yeomanry seeming to vie with each other
in making delightful impressions upon the mind by their rural and
picturesque charms; green fields sloping down to the margin of the great
stream, giving place to pretty villages on the hill-tops, and they, in
their turn, when the tide is low, looking away upon broad reaches of a
barren strand. The inland route is equally interesting, only that
mountain views and glimpses of a forest land take the place of the grand
St. Lawrence. At Quebec the most comfortable of vehicles may be
obtained, with accommodating drivers; and those who propose to make an
extended visit to the Jacques Cartier ought not to omit a quiet talk,
respecting supplies, with the butler of Russell’s Hotel, than whom no
man better understands the art of satisfying the desires of the human
appetite.
And now for the accommodations that are to be met with on the Jacques
Cartier river. There are two cottages at the middle bridge belonging to
Louis Dery and Bazile Trepanier. The former is a regular inn, and
adjoins the western extremity of the bridge, and with its romantic views
above, around, and below, with its comfortable rooms, pretty garden,
curious sign-board, cosy outhouses, and agreeable habitant family, is
just the spot that anglers and artists are wont to visit in their
dreams. The other cottage alluded to stands on an open plateau
overlooking the narrow valley through which the river runs, and about
300 yards from the eastern extremity of the bridge, the proprietor and
his family, like their friends under the hill, being habitans. An
accident took me to this house originally, and since then it has been my
headquarters when in that region. M. Trepanier cultivates several
hundred acres of good land, and has surrounded himself with all the
substantial comforts to be found among the more prosperous farmers of
Canada. He is also an inveterate angler, and knows everything about the
doings and haunts of the salmon, and while he willingly devoted himself
to me personally, his wife seemed wholly bent upon making the two ladies
who always accompanied me as comfortable and happy as possible. One-half
of the main cottage was entirely given up to us, who were the only
guests, and with clean beds, nice cooking, and every possible attention,
it was not difficult to enjoy the good things that were placed upon the
board. From the Post-Office of Point aux Trembles, six miles distant, we
were daily supplied with Washington and New York papers. The mornings
and evenings were devoted to fishing by the deponent, and the noontide
hours, by all of the party, to scenery, hunting, and sketching. Thus
divided as was our attention between matters pictorial and piscatorial,
the weeks flew rapidly away, and our enjoyment of the bracing air, the
fresh scenery, and the sparkling waters, only seemed to become more
acute the longer we remained. But now for the main idea of this
disjointed essay.
As it would be impossible to sketch either with pen or pencil all the
more striking points on the Jacques Cartier river, I will confine myself
to a space of perhaps three miles, near the middle of which is located
Trepanier’s cottage, and I begin with a place called the Rocky Reach.
The river at this point, after fighting its way through a regular herd
of huge boulders, spreads itself to the width of a quarter of a mile,
makes a broad bend, and then flows over a multitude of large flat rocks,
the tops of which, when the water is low, forming tiny islands, as
smooth and clean as a marble floor. If water spirits do ever haunt this
northern stream, those granite islands must be their midnight
meeting-places. Emptying into the river at this place is a small stream
of extremely cold water, and for that reason the bend is a favourite
congregating place for trout, which are very numerous, so that the
pleasure of throwing the fly, while wading from one rock to another, is
only to be equalled by the delight of lounging on the islands to rest
like seals on the sandy bars of Labrador. A locality designated as the
Red Bridge is not worthy of note, on account of that structure which is
commonplace; but here the river makes another of its graceful sweeps,
fretting itself into foam, then a plunge, as if angry at the boldness of
a rocky point bristling with cedars and trying to impede its course, and
soon hushing itself into a repentant mood, passes under the bridge and
glides onward, rejoicing in the sunbeams. Here small trout may be taken
in abundance. Onward still, and we come to a cluster of islands around
which the water tumbles in every conceivable manner, and from which
spring up against the sky a number of stupendous pines; and while the
right-hand shore is covered with a dense forest, that on the left
presents the appearance of a causeway, formed of limestone by the hands
of man; but when the foundation stones were laid the world itself must
have been in its infancy. The next spot that has a character of its own
is known as “The Basin,” lying directly by the side of a pretty fall,
and deriving its name from a huge hollow, filled with pure water to the
depth of ten or fifteen feet, and which the trout have monopolised as a
kind of breeding-place. It is indeed an aquarium of magnificent
proportions. But the view from the margin of this basin, looking down
the river, is remarkable from the fact that the strata of the rock and
the outline of the hills converge just at the point where the stream
disappears from sight, and the idea of a funnel is strikingly realised.
Further down and we come to a long, curving stretch of water, where the
river seems to have fallen into a profound slumber, deep and peaceful;
on one side the rocky bank rising perpendicularly from the water’s edge
to the height of perhaps fifty feet, haunted by echoes and looking
precisely like the inner walls in ruin of a stupendous amphitheatre,
crowned and greatly beautified by a vigorous growth of Alpine
vegetation; on the opposite side, the rocks sloping smoothly to the
water, as if nature had made an unusual but most successful effort to
please the brotherhood of anglers. And such big trout as have been, and
may still be taken there when the weather is favourable, no man will
ever number, and the capture of a brace or two of three-pounders in the
midst of such scenery at the sunset hour, is an event long to be
remembered. But the river is now beginning to murmur in its sleep, and
after a few more fantastic performances with two or three islands, we
shall soon behold it on our friend Trepanier’s land, making the two
grand plunges of its life. What the entire descent may measure cannot be
stated with accuracy, but for a distance of perhaps a quarter of a mile,
the bed of the river presents a mass of foam, at the foot of which the
whole river rushes through a space not more than fifteen feet wide, with
a mossy bluff bulging up on one side, and on the other a kind of broad
domain of flattened limestone. Just below the Trepanier Falls the river
is spanned by the picturesque bridge that bears the name of Dery, and in
a deep black pool directly under the bridge, and almost under a part of
Dery’s garden, hundreds of salmon may sometimes be seen resting
themselves before attempting to surmount the roaring torrent in their
pathway up the stream. From Dery’s bridge to a spot called the Hospital,
a distance of half a mile, the course of the river is through a gorge or
chasm of solid rock, very closely resembling the Montmorency Gorge,
where the rapids are terrific, and the sides have been washed out or
undermined, and made into innumerable caves; one side immediately
overhung with primeval vegetation, a few trees spanning the entire
stream, and the others presenting a kind of frieze-work pavement, broad,
uneven, and peculiar, covered with tiny streamlets of spring water, and
flanked by forest-covered hills. The Hospital is the paragon of salmon
pools, and derives its name from the supposed fact that here the salmon
spend a considerable time recruiting their strength after the toils
experienced in their rough passage from the St. Lawrence, some nine
miles away. Passing down a little further, we come to what appears to be
the mouth of a small but wild mountain stream; a second glance reveals a
picturesque old mill partly hidden in a cleft of the hills, and from
which the water issues; and on entering into conversation with the
worthy miller, he will mention the singular circumstance that the
supposed brook which turns his great wheel is a part of the Jacques
Cartier itself, which has performed an underground journey of a mile,
having left the parent stream some distance above the Trepanier Falls.
Onwards still, for a few hundred yards, and a lovely spot called the
Schute reveals itself to view. It is a sloping rock spanning the entire
river, down which the waters rush without making a great noise over a
long inclined plane, until they find their level some ten or fifteen
feet below, and form a line of foam across the stream. Above this schute
are two of the finest salmon casts imaginable, and below it a number of
charming pools, with a beautiful island, and a glimpse downward of rough
water hemmed in by perpendicular ledges, far as the eye can reach, all
crowned with deep green vegetation. The Everett Cliff, as it is called
after the proprietor, is the last feature that I would specify as coming
within the range of the three miles already mentioned, and it is a
fitting climax to the whole. It consists of a slaty cliff, said to be
two hundred feet high, and perpendicular, more than half a mile in
extent, covered with feathery foliage, out of which come gushing here
and there little streamlets, only to be lost in the deep black pools and
wild rapids below. At the upper extremity of this cliff is a kind of
lake-like sheet of marvellously dark and still water, into which another
cliff from the opposite side of the river pushes its lofty and jagged
profile, as if for the very purpose—which it certainly succeeds in—of
filling the beholder with amazement. Grand in itself, it faces a scene
that is both grand and beautiful; and, indeed, like every other prospect
on this charming river, after having once been witnessed, cannot be
forgotten.
But the piscatorial attractions of the Jacques Cartier now deserve
attention. The principal game fish of this river are salmon and trout,
though the black bass and dory, or pike-perch, are frequently taken in
some of the lower pools. The trout always have been, and still continue
to be, abundant; and specimens weighing three and four pounds are no
great rarity. A few years ago the salmon were even more numerous than
the trout, but the cunning arts of pot-fishermen or poachers had
well-nigh exterminated the race, and would have done so entirely but for
the interposition of the Quebec anglers, who caused stringent laws to be
enacted, and now see to it that the river is properly protected. Judging
from my own experience, an industrious angler might count upon a barrel
of fine salmon in one month; but how, as a pot-fisherman might say, can
the unnumbered pleasures of a month on such a river be compared with a
lot of fish swimming in their brine? In weight the salmon range from
eight to sixteen pounds, and the season for throwing the fly generally
extends from the twentieth of June to the twentieth of August. As to the
extent of their journeys up the Jacques Cartier, accounts strangely
differ; some of the inhabitants allege that they never go higher up than
Trepanier’s Falls; others think that they go to the source of the river,
but never return (which is, of course, a mistake); and Trepanier
informed me that he had once taken six hundred in one night with a net,
some distance above his falls. As to that locality, I have myself seen
them cleaving its foamy waters and passing upwards and onwards in high
glee. The proverb about the early bird is particularly applicable to the
angler who would kill a fair proportion of salmon. On that score my own
zeal was seldom at fault, and one gentleman who chanced to find me at
work on his arrival at the pools on three successive mornings, gave it
as his opinion that I slept upon the rocks all night, and that Trepanier
was sufficiently foolish to do the same thing. The real truth of the
matter was this. I usually left my bed at three o’clock, and never had
to wait for my companion; and the walk of ten minutes down to the chosen
pool was invariably delightful. On arriving at that spot our first
business was to collect some drift wood and make a good large fire, not
only to warm ourselves at the moment, but to dry our clothes after
having had a struggle with a salmon; and while waiting for the sun to
rise and the fog to disappear, Trepanier would smoke his pipe, and
leisurely examine my book of flies, and generally went to some
convenient place to enjoy a bath. We stopped fishing usually about eight
o’clock and went to breakfast; and if, during the morning, we hooked
five or six salmon and lost them all, fighting one or two of them for
more than an hour, we only considered the sport as _good_; if we
actually captured two fish we were well satisfied; but if we could
stagger home under the weight of four salmon, two grilse, and a large
trout, as the writer once did, we were decidedly hilarious, especially
if one of the beauties happened to be a sixteen-pounder. And when it is
remembered that such a labour of love was usually rewarded by a
breakfast made up of such things as broiled trout or salmon, stewed
pigeons, fresh eggs, rare _café au lait_, with richest cream, French
pancakes, and maple syrup, and two or three kinds of berries, the reader
may imagine that the “good time” of philosophers had finally arrived.
The middle hours of those pleasant days were wholly devoted to the
ladies, with whom calash drives, or walks in pursuit of the picturesque,
were enjoyed by both Trepanier and myself; for after his afternoon nap
of thirty minutes, he was always on hand to play the escort with his
rough but kind-hearted attentions. As evening approached, all the
anglers who happened to be congregated at Dery’s home—and there were
sometimes eight or ten—would assemble on the two banks of the river,
all in sight of each other, and if there happened to be a sprinkling of
ladies who had accompanied their husbands, which was oftentimes the
case, the movements of the anglers while throwing the fly were perhaps
more graceful than usual, but their success more doubtful. In all my
adventures, I do not remember a single locality with more pleasure than
this spot known as Dery’s Bridge, nor one which, on the score of scenery
and sport, and the refined and cultivated character of its visitors, so
completely realises my idea of the golden prime of good old Izaak
Walton.
I would have my readers remember, however, that the pleasures of
salmon-fishing in the Jacques Cartier are derived more from the
surrounding associations than from the number of fish captured; and many
persons undoubtedly carry with them from the river more distinct
recollections of the springs gushing from the hills, of a certain
angler’s cabin, with its supply of newspapers, and of the picturesque
groups occasionally assembled there, than of the “oceans of fish” which
fortune may yield. Many salmon, however, are taken, and a few incidents
touching their capture will appropriately conclude this chapter of
riverside talk.
On one occasion, for example, I saw an army officer (who had served with
honour in the Crimea) capture, within one hour, at the right-hand cast,
above the Schute, no less than three fine salmon, landing them without
the assistance of his habitant attendant. The only man who can compete
with Trepanier as an angler is Edward Dery, the son of Louis, and a
bolder or more expert fisherman can nowhere be found. He it is, by the
way, who, in times past, when the salmon would not rise to a fly, was
wont to descend a rope ladder, suspended over a fearful caldron of foam,
and take out with his gaff a few salmon bolder than himself. He is about
the only man also who has the hardihood or courage to throw the flies
directly under Dery’s Bridge; for where he secures one, after hooking
him, he loses a dozen that rush down the gorge to the Hospital pool,
carrying all before them. One fish that I saw him hook there not only
smashed his rod, but carried one-half of it a mile down the river in
less than five brief moments.
That the excitement of salmon-fishing is sometimes contagious the
following incident will prove. I had hooked a large fish at a rapid spot
known as the Black Rock, when Trepanier gave his accustomed shout, which
caused a gentleman on the opposite side of the river to run down and
witness the fun. After my salmon had made his third magnificent leap and
rush, and I was keeping him away from a dangerous rock, my spectator
became quite frantic, and, to my astonishment, plunged into the stream,
and, just as Trepanier had gaffed my fish, up came the stranger to my
side out of the water, panting like a “spent swimmer” as he was. He had
crossed the river—kicking a few fish under the chin, perhaps, as he
passed along—simply for the purpose of having a look at my prize. He
was a lawyer, just arrived from Quebec, and a novice in the art of
salmon-fishing; and I subsequently heard that he has, on more than one
occasion, swam across the great St. Lawrence just for the fun of the
thing. I also heard that the art he seemed to understand so well was
inherited, and that his father had saved from drowning no less than a
dozen Americans during the war of 1812, which kindness an American
gentleman reciprocated by putting him in prison. Though Trepanier’s
exploits have not been as daring as those of young Dery, he kills quite
as many fish during a season, and, upon the whole, is probably better
acquainted with the river. The very last fish I saw him capture gave him
a pretty hard run. He hooked the salmon near the head of the Black Rock
Island, but on the western side, followed him to the foot of the island,
played him half an hour in a pool at that point, when the fish started
up stream again, but now on the eastern side of the island, on reaching
the middle of which he seemed ready to give up the battle, when he broke
away, and Trepanier made a rush, catching the salmon in his arms. The
largest fish it was my fortune to capture on the Jacques Cartier weighed
sixteen pounds. I hooked him while wading, and after tiring my arms
until I could hardly hold the rod, he gave me two duckings and nearly
carried me down a rapid, and then, by way of displaying his genius, ran
completely around Trepanier’s legs, tangling my line dreadfully; but a
successful sweep of the gaff was soon made, and he was landed in
triumph. As to the flies that do the best execution on the river, their
merits I shall not discuss, because I never knew two anglers to agree on
the subject, and my experience has taught me that strength and size are
of more importance than colour or beauty.
My last view of the dear Jacques Cartier was from a railway car, about
nine o’clock at night, while passing like the wind from the St. Maurice
to Quebec, and within a stone’s throw from the Red Bridge.
STRATFORD-ON-HOUSATONIC.
Stratford-on-Housatonic was founded in 1639, and by a small colony of
emigrants chiefly from Stratford-on-Avon. This fact alone might well
make us respect the place, but there is not a town or village in New
England that could better rest satisfied with its many attractions. It
stands on the western bank of the Housatonic, or _River beyond the
Mountains_, on a level plain, with the Sound three miles away on the
south, the city of Bridgeport a little further off on the west, and with
a rolling, rich, well-cultivated, and picturesque country on the north;
and although crossed by the line of the New York and New Haven railroad,
is one of the most quiet and lovely villages in the land. Its original
name was Cupheag, and an Englishman named Fairchild purchased the land
of the Poquanock Indians, and was the first white man vested with
authority over the town. When the purchase was first made, the whole
township comprised what have since been known as the towns of Trumbull,
Huntington, Monroe, and Bridgeport, the last of which has become a
flourishing city. The price paid for the whole grant is not known, but
it is on record that a neighbouring tract of land cost ten blankets, six
coats, one kettle, and a small assortment of hoes, hatchets, knives, and
glasses. It was on account of similar outlays, undoubtedly, that the
authorities of Stratford, thirty years after its settlement, voted that
the Indians should not be permitted to plant corn anywhere, have their
weapons mended by the smith, nor be employed by any citizens to look
after “the horses, hogs, and other cattle.” Other curious facts which we
gather from the old records were as follows:—In 1707 a house and lot in
the town were _sold_ for a single _negro man_; the salaries of the
clergy were paid in produce and in _wampum_; and in 1678 a mill was sold
for £140, payable in pork, wheat, rye, corn, and £40 in good and
well-conditioned winter cider, made in October.
The town was named in memory of the English Stratford, is said to have
been laid out after the same fashion, and, by those who have seen the
two, the American town has been pronounced the more beautiful. The
principal street is a mile long, runs north and south, and is
intersected by a number of others, all of which are lined by
unpretending houses, each one flanked by a handsome garden. The streets
are wide, richly carpeted by a green sward, and fringed on either side
by regular rows of elm and other trees, which are constantly composing
themselves into beautiful pictures; while the rural beauty of the place
is greatly enhanced by two or three of those open spaces which the old
men of New England love to remember, in connection with their boyhood,
as the village green. Two handsome churches with graceful spires, and
another with less pretension, loom up above the sea of foliage; there is
not a tavern in the place, nor any groggeries or drinking saloons; a
local newspaper was never dreamed of; and the few shops, whose owners do
not deem it necessary to hang out any signs, are stocked with very small
and very miscellaneous assortments of merchandise. Birds build their
nests in every direction, and their sweet singing may be heard through
all the hours of the summer day. Each householder in the town seems to
be the possessor of a cow, and these cattle are driven to pasture in the
morning, watched during the day, and brought home at sundown by a
regular herdsman; and were it not for the occasional whistle of the
passing locomotive, the charming quiet of the place would be profound
and unbroken. It was surveyed, and a handsome map made of the place in
1824 by one of its distinguished citizens, James H. Linsley.[1]
[1] Not only was Mr. Linsley identified with the educational interests
of the town, but he was devoted to the several sciences of ornithology,
geology, and conchology, and left to his family an exceedingly valuable
cabinet of specimens in all those departments. His birds of Connecticut
number five hundred, and his shells not less than two thousand.
Two stories are told illustrative of the repose which reigns in
Stratford.
Some years ago a strange gentleman and his wife arrived in the village
in their carriage, and after driving from one end of it to the other two
or three times without meeting a single person, they became alarmed, and
fancied that a plague might have depopulated the place. On further
reflection, however, the stranger determined to stop at one of the
pleasant houses he saw on every side. He did so, and the sound of the
knocker on the door almost startled him with its terrible noise. In due
time a lady made her appearance, and was saluted with this question—
“Can you tell me, madam, if this town is inhabited?”
“Yes, sir, it is,” replied the lady; “and by way of relieving your
anxiety I will mention one fact. The reason why our streets are so quiet
is this: the men of the place are all in the fields at work, the
children are at school, and the housewives are at home preparing a good
dinner for their families.” The gentleman thus obtained a new idea, and
was satisfied.
The other is as follows:—A Stratford gentleman one day entered his
house in a troubled manner, pale and fainting, and earnestly called upon
his wife and daughters for some camphor or cologne. These things were
promptly administered, and after he had fairly recovered his speech, his
wife bent over him and said—
“What is the matter with you, my dear?”
To this the invalid replied, “Nothing very serious, I hope, but while
passing along Elm Street I actually saw a man!”
The condition of things in Stratford has somewhat changed during the
past few years, but the quiet and repose of the village are still
delightful. Many of its native citizens continue to live in the pleasant
homes where they were born; others who were tempted to try and obtain
fortunes in New York and other cities were successful, and, like men of
sterling sense, have returned here to spend their declining years in
peace.
That such a town as Stratford should afford anything in the way of
romantic personal histories was hardly to be expected, but the subjoined
story is authentic as well as interesting. At the commencement of the
present century a young man made his appearance in the village, and
spent a few weeks at the tavern which then existed to afford shelter to
stage-coach travellers. Whence he came and what his business, none could
guess. Directly opposite the tavern stood the small cottage and the
forge of a blacksmith named Folsom. He had a daughter who was the beauty
of the village, and it was her fortune to captivate the heart of the
young stranger. He told his love, said that he was from Scotland, that
he was travelling incog., but in confidence gave her his real name,
claiming that he was heir to a large fortune. She returned his love, and
they were married. A few weeks thereafter the stranger told his wife
that he must visit New Orleans; he did so, and the gossips of the town
made the young wife unhappy by their disagreeable hints and jeers. In a
few months the husband returned, but before a week had elapsed he
received a large budget of letters, and told his wife that he must at
once return to England, and must go alone. He took his departure, and
the gossips had another glorious opportunity to make a confiding woman
wretched. To all but herself it was a clear case of desertion; the wife
became a mother, and for two years lived on in silence and in hope. At
the end of that time a letter was received by the Stratford beauty from
her husband, directing her to go at once to New York with her child,
taking nothing with her but the clothes she wore, and embark in a ship
for her home in England. On her arrival in New York she found a ship
splendidly furnished with every convenience and luxury for her comfort,
and two servants ready to obey every wish that she might express. The
ship duly arrived in England, and the Stratford girl became the mistress
of a superb mansion, and, as the wife of a baronet, was known as Lady
Stirling of Glorat. On the death of her husband many years ago, the
Stratford boy succeeded to the title and wealth of his fathers, and in
the “Peerage and Baronetage” he is spoken of as the issue of “Miss
Folsom of Stratford, North America.” When the late Professor Silliman
visited England some years since, he had the pleasure of meeting Lady
Stirling at a dinner party, and was delighted to answer her many
questions about her birthplace in Connecticut.
If this paper were designed to be a complete history of Stratford, it
would be necessary to print many pages about the early struggles and
subsequent success of religion in this region. That is out of the
question; but, on account of the personal history of one most
interesting divine and author connected with it, a passing notice of the
Episcopal Church in Stratford is indispensable. It was the first
established in Connecticut, and its founder was one who left the
Puritans to become an Episcopalian, and whose name was Samuel Johnson.
He was born at Guilford, Connecticut, October 14, 1696, where were also
born his father and grandfather, both men of distinction, and deacons in
the Congregational Church, while his great-grandfather, who came from
Yorkshire, England, was one of the first settlers of New Haven. He was
educated at the College of Saybrook, which subsequently found a
permanent resting-place in New Haven, and after the change of location,
and while only twenty years of age, he became a tutor in what is now
known as Yale College; was honoured with the degree of Master of Arts;
and was the first man who, in 1718, lodged and set up housekeeping in
the institution. In 1720 he became a preacher of the Gospel, and was
settled at West Haven as a Congregationalist. He soon afterwards became
the leader of a party of three or four who pioneered their way into the
Episcopal Church, and, resigning his charge, he went to England to
obtain orders, received from Oxford and Cambridge the degree of Master
of Arts, and in 1723 was settled in Stratford as the first regularly
ordained Episcopal clergyman in the colony. At first his flock consisted
of only thirty families, and the persecutions which he endured from the
Congregationalists were almost unparalleled. Some of them went so far as
to put chains across their streets to prevent the horrible Episcopalians
from going to church, while others would not sell him vegetables and
other country produce for the support of his family. His great ability,
however, as well as his high character as a man and a Christian,
overcame all these obstacles, and he was triumphantly successful.
On the arrival in this country of Berkeley (the Dean of Derry and Bishop
of Cloyne) in 1729, the rector of Stratford became his intimate friend,
corresponded with him for many years, introduced his works to the
_literati_ of America, made him so interested in Yale College as to
secure a present of one thousand valuable books to that institution, as
well as a present of ninety acres of land in Rhode Island for its
benefit. After a continuous battle of twenty years in behalf of his
Church, the University of Oxford conferred upon our rector the degree of
Doctor of Divinity, which honour was followed by many kind letters from
the best men in England. In 1754, against his own wishes, but because
eminent friends told him it was his duty, he accepted the presidency of
the newly-established King’s College in New York (now Columbia College),
where his services were invaluable until 1762, when he returned to
Stratford to spend the remainder of his days in ease and leisure. Here
he died on the 6th of January 1772, and lies buried in the graveyard of
Christ Church, where two church buildings were erected under his eye,
and were the predecessors of the present tasteful edifice occupying the
same site. On the monument which commemorates his death are inscribed,
after a Latin inscription, the following lines:—
“If decent _dignity_ and modest mien,
The cheerful _heart_ and countenance serene;
If pure _religion_ and unsullied truth,
His _age’s_ solace, and his search in youth;
If _piety_ in all the paths he trod,
Still rising vigorous to his Lord and God;
If _charity_ thro’ all the race he ran,
Still willing well, and doing good to man;
If LEARNING, free from pedantry and pride;
If FAITH and VIRTUE, walking side by side;
If well to mark his being’s aim and end,
To shine through life a HUSBAND, FATHER, FRIEND,—
If _these_ ambition in thy soul can raise,
Excite thy reverence, or demand thy praise;
_Reader_, ere yet thou quit this earthly scene,
Revere his name, and be what he has been.”
MYLES COOPER.
For a sketch of the life of Doctor Johnson, and an eloquent estimate of
his exalted character as the first scholar of the day in America, the
reader is referred to a small volume, published in 1805, by Dr. Thomas
B. Chandler, of New Jersey, while the subjoined list of his writings
will afford an opportunity of estimating his services as an author,
viz., “Plain Reasons for Conforming to the Church;” “Compendium of Logic
and Metaphysics,” printed by Franklin; “Demonstration on the
Reasonableness and Duty of Prayer;” “Beauty of Holiness in the Worship
of the Church of England;” an English grammar, a Church catechism, a
Hebrew grammar, an English and Hebrew grammar, and a variety of
pamphlets on theological and literary subjects, published between the
years 1732 and 1771.
Another man of note associated with Stratford was William S. Johnson,
son of Dr. Samuel. He was born here October 7, 1727, graduated at Yale
College in 1744, and was a lawyer of distinction and an eloquent orator.
In 1765 and 1785 he was a delegate to the Congress at New York, and in
1776 an agent for the colony to England, where he formed the
acquaintance of many leading men. In 1772 he was Judge of the
Connecticut Supreme Court, and a member of the convention that formed
the Federal Constitution. He was also a Senator in Congress from 1789 to
1791; received from Oxford the degree of Doctor of Laws; and from 1792
to 1800 he was president of Columbia College, New York, after which he
returned to Stratford, where he died November 14, 1819, and lies buried
by the side of his distinguished father.
As allusions have already been made to five generations of the Johnson
family of Stratford, it may here be mentioned, for the sake of
completeness, that Samuel William Johnson, a lawyer and judge of retired
habits, was the son of the senator, and that his son, William Samuel
Johnson, is the present representative of the family, who has several
brothers to participate with him in bearing the honoured name. And this
fact brings us (as did the courtesy of that gentleman bring the writer
of this chapter) into the Johnson Library of Stratford. This collection
numbers between four and five thousand volumes, and seven generations of
highly educated men have participated in the labour of bringing them
together. It was also enriched by contributions from such men as Bishop
Berkeley, Benjamin Franklin, and Samuel Johnson, the great English
author. The several proprietors of this rare and truly precious private
library have occasionally given away what we might call a swarm of
books; but perhaps the most graceful present of this kind was one of
several hundred volumes, printed between the years 1577 and 1791, and
presented to Columbia College by the present owner. The collection, as
it now stands, is especially rich in theology, the early English
classics, the antiquities of England, the Greek and Latin authors, and
in its dictionaries, with a rare sprinkling of black letter and Elzevir
volumes. Here may also be found several curious editions of the Bible;
but perhaps the most curious, interesting, and valuable single volume is
the “_Icon Basilike_; or, The Works of that Great Monarch and Glorious
Martyr, King Charles I., both Civil and Sacred; and Pourtraicture of his
Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings.” The edition here
mentioned was printed at the Hague in 1648, a few days after the death
of the King, and hence its special value. Those acquainted with the work
need not be told that the proof is quite conclusive as to its having
been the veritable production of the king, though long disputed; that it
went through fifty editions in one year; that Hume declares it to have
led to the restoration of the royal family; that it was greatly praised
even by Milton, the personal friend of Cromwell; that, as the alleged
production of the murdered sovereign, it caused an intense interest
throughout the world; and that the critics of the time pronounced it the
best specimen of English writing then in existence.
The man whose taste and learning are chiefly represented by this
admirable library was the Reverend Dr. Samuel Johnson. Here it was that,
after his return from New York, surrounded by these venerable tomes, he
lived the happy and peaceful life of a Christian scholar, and kept up an
extensive correspondence with the most learned and eminent men of
England and America. And that mass of correspondence, which is still
preserved with an elaborate journal kept by Dr. Samuel, may perhaps be
considered the very cream of the Johnson library. That portion of it
bearing upon church history has already been extensively studied by
clerical pilgrims from all parts of the land; while that portion which
is of a miscellaneous character, addressed to the rector and senator, is
quietly awaiting the fate of all unpublished correspondence by men of
distinction. From the latter collection the writer of this article has
been permitted to copy three letters by Bishop Berkeley, Benjamin
Franklin, and the great Samuel Johnson of England, the reading of which
cannot but be interesting, as fresh material bearing upon the characters
of the several distinguished writers.
The first of the letters in question, from the Bishop, exhibits the
interest which he felt in King’s College, New York, as well as the
methodical character of his mind:—
“CLOYNE, _August 23, 1749_.
“REV. SIR,—I am obliged for the account you have sent of the
prosperous state of learning in your college of New Haven. I
approve of the regulations made there, and am particularly
pleased to find your sons have made such progress, as appears
from their elegant address to me in the Latin tongue. It must
indeed give me a very sensible satisfaction to hear that my weak
endeavours have been of some service to that part of the world.
I have two letters of yours at once on my hands to answer, for
which business of various kinds must be my apology. As to the
first, wherein you enclosed a small pamphlet relating to
tar-water, I can only say in behalf of those points in which the
ingenious author seems to differ from me, that I advance nothing
which is not grounded on experience, as may be seen at large in
Mr. Prior’s narrative of the effects of tar-water, printed three
or four years ago, and which may be supposed to have reached
America.
“For the rest, I am glad to find a spirit towards learning
prevails in those parts, particularly New York, where you say a
college is projected, which has my best wishes. At the same
time, I am sorry that the condition of Ireland, containing such
numbers of poor uneducated people, for whose sake charity
schools are erecting throughout the kingdom, obligeth us to draw
charities from England; so far are we from being able to extend
our bounty to New York, a country, in proportion, much richer
than our own. But as you are pleased to desire my advice upon
this undertaking, I send the following hints, to be enlarged and
improved by your own judgment.
“I would not advise the applying to England for charters or
statutes (which might cause great trouble, expense, and delay),
but to do the business quietly within yourselves.
“I believe it may suffice to begin with a president and two
fellows. If they can procure but three fit persons, I doubt not
the college, from the smallest beginnings, would grow
considerable. I should conceive good hopes were you at the head
of it.
“Let them by all means supply themselves out of the seminaries
in New England; for I am apprehensive none can be got in Old
England (who are willing to go) worth sending.
“Let the Greek and Latin classics be well taught. Be this the
first care as to learning. But the principal care must be good
life and morals, to which (as well as to study) early hours and
temperate meals will much conduce.
“If the terms for degrees are the same as at Oxford or
Cambridge, this would give credit to the college, and pave the
way for admitting their graduates _ad eundem_ in the English
Universities.
“Small premiums in books, or distinctions in habit, may prove
useful encouragements to the students.
“I would advise that the building be regular, plain, and cheap,
and that each student have a room (about ten feet square) to
himself.
“I recommended this nascent seminary to an English bishop, to
try what might be done there. But by his answer it seems the
Colony is judged rich enough to educate its own youth.
“Colleges, from small beginnings, grow great by subsequent
bequests and benefactions. A small matter will suffice to set
one agoing; and when this is once well done, there is no doubt
it will go on and thrive. The chief concern must be to set out
in a good method, and introduce from the first a good taste into
society. For this end its principal expense should be in making
handsome provision for the president and fellows.
“I have thrown together these few crude thoughts for you to
ruminate upon and digest in your own judgment, and propone from
yourself, as you see convenient.
“My correspondence with patients that drink tar-water obliges me
to be less punctual in corresponding with my friends; but I
shall always be glad to hear from you. My sincere good wishes
and prayers attend you in all your laudable undertakings.—I am,
your faithful servant,
“G. CLOYNE.”
The next letter, which has never been published, is from Benjamin
Franklin. Like everything he wrote, it is characteristic of the man:—
“PHILADELPHIA, _August 9, 1750_.
“REV. SIR,—At my return home I found your favour of June the
28th, with the Bishop of Cloyne’s letter enclosed, which I will
take care of, and beg leave to keep a little longer.
“Mr. Francis, our Attorney-General, who was with me at your
house, from the conversation then had with you, and reading some
of your pieces, has conceived an esteem for you equal to mine.
The character we have given of you to the other trustees, and
the sight of your letters relating to the academy, has made them
very desirous of engaging you in that design, as a person whose
experience and judgment would be of great use in forming rules
and establishing good methods in the beginning, and whose name
for learning would give it a reputation. We only lament that, in
the infant state of our funds, we cannot make you an offer equal
to your merit. But as the view of being useful has most weight
with generous and benevolent minds, and in this affair you may
do great service, not only to the present, but to future
generations, I flatter myself sometimes that if you were here
and saw things as they are, and conversed a little with our
people, you might be prevailed with to remove. I would therefore
earnestly press you to make us a visit as soon as you
conveniently can, and in the meantime let me represent to you
some of the circumstances as they appear to me.
“1. The trustees of the academy are applying for a charter,
which will give an opportunity of improving and modelling our
constitution in such a manner as, when we have your advice,
shall appear best. I suppose we shall have power to form a
regular college. 2. If you would undertake the management of the
English education, I am satisfied the trustees would on your
account make the salary £100 sterling (they have already voted
£150 currency, which is not far from it), and pay the charge of
your removal. Your son might also be employed as tutor at £60,
or perhaps £70 per annum. 3. It has been long observed that our
church is not sufficient to accommodate near the number of
people who would willingly have seats there. The buildings
increase very fast towards the south end of the town, and many
of the principal merchants now live there, which, being at
considerable distance from the present church, people begin to
talk much of building another; and ground has been offered as a
gift for that purpose. The trustees of the academy are,
three-fourths of them, members of the Church of England, and the
rest men of moderate principles. They have reserved in the large
building a large hall for occasional preaching, public lectures,
orations, etc.; it is seventy feet by sixty, furnished with a
handsome pulpit, seats, etc. In this Mr. Tennent collected his
congregation, who are now building a meeting-house. In the same
place, by giving now and then a lecture, you might with equal
ease collect a congregation that would in a short time build you
a church (if it should be agreeable to you).
“In the meantime, I imagine you will receive something
considerable yearly arising from marriages and christenings in
the best families, not to mention presents that are not
unfrequent from a wealthy people to a minister they like; and
though the whole may not amount to more than a due support, yet
I think it will be a comfortable one. And when you are well
settled in a church of your own, your son may be qualified by
years of experience to succeed you in the academy; or if you
rather choose to continue in the academy, your son might
probably be fixed in the church.
“These are my private sentiments, which I have communicated only
with Mr. Francis, who entirely agrees with me. I acquainted the
trustees that I would write to you, but could give them no
dependence that you would be prevailed on to remove. They will,
however, treat with no other till I have your answer.
“You will see by our new paper, which I enclose, that the
Corporation of this city have voted £200 down and £100 a year
out of their revenues to the trustees of the academy. As they
are a perpetual body, choosing their own successors, and so not
subject to be changed by the caprice of a governor or of the
people, and as eighteen of the members (some of them leading)
are of the trustees, we look on this donation to be as good as
so much real estate, being confident it will be continued as
long as it is well applied, and even increased if there should
be occasion. We have now near £5000 subscribed, and expect some
considerable sums besides may be procured from the merchants of
London trading hither. And as we are in the centre of the
colonies, a healthy place, with plenty of provisions, we suppose
a good academy here may draw numbers of youth for education from
the neighbouring colonies and even from the West Indies.
“I will shortly print proposals for publishing your prices by
subscription, and disperse them among my friends along the
continent. My compliments to Mrs. Johnson and your son, and Mr.
and Mrs. Walker, your good neighbours.—I am, with great esteem
and respect, sir, your most humble servant,
“B. FRANKLIN.
“To Dr. Samuel Johnson, Stratford.”
“_P. S._—There are some other things best treated of when we
have the pleasure of seeing you. It begins now to be pleasant
travelling; I wish you would conclude to visit us in the next
month at furthest. Whether the journey produce the effect we
desire or not, it shall be no expense to you.”
The last of the choice letters to which allusion has been made, was
written by the author of “Rasselas” to his friend William S. Johnson,
the Senator. That gentleman received several others from his illustrious
namesake (but who was not a relative), all of which have been lost
excepting the one now printed for the first time. When written, Boswell
must have been asleep, as he does not mention it in his microscopic
publication. The allusion in the letter to an Arctic sea would have
surprised the late Dr. E. K. Kane:—
“SIR,—Of all those whom the various vicissitudes of life have
brought within my notice, there is scarce any man whose
acquaintance I have more desired to cultivate than yours. I
cannot indeed charge you with neglecting me, yet our mutual
inclination could never gratify itself with opportunities; the
current of the day always bore us away from one another. And now
the Atlantic is between us.
“Whether you carried away an impression of me as pleasing as
that which you left me of yourself, I know not; if you did, you
have not forgotten me, and will be glad that I do not forget
you. Merely to be remembered is indeed a barren pleasure, but it
is one of the pleasures which is more sensibly felt as human
nature is more exalted.
“To make you wish that I should have you in my mind, I would be
glad to tell you something which you do not know; but all public
affairs are printed, and as you and I had no common friends, I
can tell you no private history.
“The Government, I think, grows stronger; but I am afraid the
next general election will be a time of uncommon turbulence,
violence, and outrage.
“Of literature no great product has appeared or is expected. The
attention of the people has for some years been otherwise
employed.
“I was told two days ago of a design which must excite some
curiosity. Two ships are in preparation, which are under the
command of Captain Constantine Phipps, to explore the Northern
Ocean; not to seek the North-east or the North-west passage, but
to sail directly north, as near the pole as they can go. They
hope to find an open ocean, but I suspect it is one mass of
perpetual congelation. I do not much wish well to discoveries,
for I am always afraid they will end in conquest and robbery.
“I have been out of order this winter, but am grown better. Can
I ever hope to see you again? or must I be always content to
tell you that in another hemisphere I am, sir, your most humble
servant,
“SAML. JOHNSON.
“JOHNSON’S COURT, FLEET STREET,
“LONDON, _March 4, 1773_.
“To Dr. Johnson, in Stratford, Connecticut.”
A desultory account of Stratford, like the present, should not omit an
allusion to General David Wooster, who was born here in 1711. He
graduated at Yale College in 1738, served as the captain of an armed
vessel in the Spanish war, as a captain of militia in the expedition
against Louisburg in 1745, went to France with a lot of prisoners, and
from thence to England, when he received certain honours, served as
commandant of a brigade in the French war, espoused the cause of America
in 1764, aided in defending New York, had command of our troops in
Canada, where he rendered important services, was subsequently made a
Major-General of the Connecticut militia, and during a skirmish with the
British troops at the time of their incursion to Danbury in 1776,
received a shot which terminated his life in a few days. He was a brave
officer, an ardent patriot, and a man of the highest integrity and
virtue.
Another gallant soldier who was born and died in Stratford, was Colonel
Aaron Benjamin. He served in the Revolutionary War as a Lieutenant, a
Captain, and an Adjutant; was honoured with the personal friendship of
La Fayette; and, as a Colonel in the army, had command of Fort Trumbull
during the last war with England. With regard to his family, the
singular fact is mentioned that John Benjamin was the name borne by the
eldest sons of no less than seven generations. Nor should it be
forgotten that the American Navy has also a representative in Stratford,
which is the residence of the present Commodore Joshua R. Sands, whose
father was once a Senator in Congress from New York.
But a few additional words must be devoted to the Stratford of the
present time. A love of religion and of the intellectual and beautiful
seems to permeate its entire population; and although its two leading
denominations of Christians were wont to battle valiantly for the cause
of truth and prejudice in the olden times, the most perfect harmony now
exists between them, and both alike deserve honourable mention for what
they have accomplished. To church people alone the history of the
Congregational Church is quite as interesting as that of the Episcopal,
but the latter had the advantage on the score of general interest on
account of its distinguished founder. Among the novelties of Church
government in those Puritan days was that of seating the congregation,
by a committee, according to age, rank, and property; and, in 1718, it
was directed that the “married men and _ancient bachelors_ be seated in
the west gallery of the Congregational Church, and the married women and
_ancient maidens_ in the east gallery.” The first church of this
denomination was organised about the year 1640; and as the Episcopalians
now stand up when the Gospels are read, so did the Presbyterians stand
in their seats when the minister gave out his text; and while, in New
Haven and elsewhere, the people were convened for worship by the blowing
of a horn, here, in Stratford, they enjoyed the ringing of a bell.
American literature has also been enriched by two citizens of Stratford,
viz., Rev. J. Mitchell and J. Olney, Esq. “The Reminiscences of Scenes
and Characters of College, by a Graduate of Yale,” the work of the
former, is an exceedingly well written volume, useful in purpose, and
full of sound wisdom and Christian feeling. And the same compliment may
be paid to his other productions, viz., “Notes from Over the Sea,” “My
Mother; or, Recollections of Maternal Influence,” “Days of Boyhood,” a
tale entitled “Rachell Kell,” and “The New England Churches,” in which
the subject of Congregationalism is well-nigh exhausted. This gentleman
was also for many years editor of the _Christian Spectator_ in New
Haven, and his books were published anonymously. The school geographies
and histories of the latter are well known, as having acquired an almost
unequalled circulation. While the art treasures of the town are not
extensive, there are a few pictures here which will be found worth
hunting up by men of taste. In the Johnson Library may be found the best
portrait extant of Jonathan Edwards, a connection of the family, painted
by or copied after Copley; one of Rev. Dr. Johnson, also by Copley; one
of Senator Johnson, by Stuart; and a print of Samuel Johnson of England,
after Reynolds, which was presented to Senator Johnson by the original,
and pronounced by him the best likeness ever executed. In other mansions
are to be found some of the best pictures after Guido, Da Vinci, and
other old masters, ever brought to this country—two admirable paintings
by the French artist De Lacroix. And by way of proving that the
Stratfordites are lovers of music, we only need to mention the fact that
amateur concerts are constantly given here, graced by the presence of
ladies of rare intelligence and beauty, which are seldom equalled in
other parts of the country.
THE BOY-HUNTER OF CHICOUTIMIE.
Chicoutimie is an oasis of incipient civilisation, located in the
Hudson’s Bay Territory, and surrounded on all sides by a pathless
wilderness. Its appearance on the map is that of an oblong square,
eighty miles long by forty wide; and while about one-third of the
northern part embraces Lake St. John, the remaining portion is equally
divided by the wild waters of the Upper Saguenay. It consists of two
parishes, is intersected by a good road leading from the head of
navigation on the Saguenay river to the Hudson’s Bay Post on Lake St.
John, and contains some four or five hamlets, or small villages,
including Chicoutimie, Grand Bay Village, and the Blue Point Settlement;
and the population is chiefly composed of Habitants (or French
Canadians) and Indians. The principal business of the district is
connected with the fur trade and lumbering. The first was established
towards the latter part of the seventeenth century by the Hudson’s Bay
Company, and has continued under that exclusive jurisdiction until the
present time; and the idea of establishing extensive lumber-mills in
this remote region originated with the late William Price of Quebec, who
was for many years the “Lumber King of Canada.” It was chiefly through
his individual enterprise that the post of Chicoutimie became an
important shipping place for deals and timber, and all the improvements
which he commenced for the welfare of the people in that region have
been and are still continued by his sons, David and William E. Price. It
was while upon an angling expedition with the former of these gentlemen,
in 1847, that the writer captured his first Canadian salmon, and he it
was who had the pleasure of entertaining the Prince of Wales during his
visit to the Lower Saguenay in 1860.
But it is on account of its varied and charming scenery that the
district of Chicoutimie deserves particular mention. After ascending the
Saguenay from its mouth to the village and post of Chicoutimie, just
below the head of the tide, and having gazed with wonder and admiration
upon its deep and sullen waters and towering cliffs—described by the
present writer more than twenty years ago—the summer tourist will find
that the lakes and rivers of Chicoutimie, which all pay tribute to the
magnificent Saguenay, are not one whit less impressive and interesting.
Foremost among its attractions is Lake St. John, the aboriginal name of
which was Peaquagomi, or _broad shallow water_. The length of the lake
is nearly thirty miles, and its width about twenty. The hills which
surround it on all sides vary in height from seven hundred feet on the
south side to perhaps two thousand on the north. At the same time,
extensive reaches of flat and cultivatable land extend in various
directions; while the whole aspect of the surrounding country is that of
a dense forest, composed of the white birch and white pine, the balsam,
spruce, cedar, elm, poplar, ash, yellow birch, basswood, maple,
tamarack, and a little oak. Although the lake is two degrees of latitude
directly north of Quebec, Indian corn, wheat, and other grains ripen
well in the few settlements; and all the garden vegetables thrive as
well as they do at Montreal. The fish of the lake consist of salmon and
trout, a large variety of pike, a kind of whitefish, and chub. All the
northern varieties of wild-fowl are also abundant. As the seasons
change, its waters rise at times as high as fifteen feet; and, when at
their lowest mark, portions of the lake are skirted with sandy beaches
of great length, and very remarkable width. It is navigated chiefly by
the birch canoe of the Indian, and its primeval solitude is only
relieved by the screaming of birds, as they float or swoop over its
waters, or by the presence of the toiling lumbermen, as they wield the
axe in winter in the dim woods, or sing their wild songs while piloting
their extensive rafts in summer. But the one particular in which Lake
St. John differs from all similar lakes on this continent is in regard
to its large and numerous tributaries, and it might also be awarded the
compliment of being the fountain-head of one of the most superb rivers
on the globe.
The principal rivers that flow into the lake are, first, La Belle
Riviere, which comes in from the south, is about twenty yards in width,
and has a beautiful fall nearly one hundred feet high; further on to the
westward is the Metabetchouan, about twice as large as the former, and
at the mouth of which is located a trading post of the Hudson’s Bay
Company; next comes the Ouiatchouan, upon which is a fall of one hundred
and thirty feet in height, and near the mouth of which are two lovely
islands; and farther on is the Ouiatchouanish, which runs out of a lake
known as Commissioner Lake, particularly famous for its water-fowl of
many varieties, and as a breeding-place for wild geese. The next two
rivers are the Chamouchouan and the Mistassini, each of which is about
half a mile wide, and when the waters of the lake are high, they join
into one current for several miles before reaching the lake. A river,
called the Peribonka, comes down from the north, and is noted for a
continuous alternation of still and rapid water, for its great variety
of scenery, and because, before reaching the lake, it is compelled to
cross a sand beach, which is not less than two miles wide. It has been
estimated that these several streams drain a country, or basin, of not
less than five thousand square miles in extent; and after they have
coalesced and formed the whole lake of St. John, they rest in peace for
a little while, and gathering themselves for a new career of activity,
glide quietly through a maze of islands into two outlets, known as the
Great and the Little Discharge, and win themselves a splendid name as
the Upper Saguenay. This part of the great river averages about half a
mile in width, and from the parent lake to the vicinity of the village
of Chicoutimie, a distance of about thirty-five miles, it consists of a
succession of rapids, tumbling over a great variety of rocky strata;
portions of the stream may be navigated by the birch canoe, but for the
most part it is only enlivened by the presence of lumbermen, driving
down their logs to the mills at the head of tide water. As there is a
district and a village named Chicoutimie, so is there a river bearing
the same name. It is the leading tributary of the Upper Saguenay, and is
the outlet of two beautiful lakes bearing the names of Kenogami and
Kenogamish, which combine with the Chicoutimie River and La Belle
Riviere to form a water communication between the Lower Saguenay and
Lake St. John.
With regard to the original inhabitants of the country surrounding this
lake, the best authorities assert that it was the great rendezvous for
the Montagnais, Nasquapee, and other Indian tribes, who spoke dialects
of the Algonquin tongue. In 1671, a French missionary, named Saint
Simon, made the first voyage from the St. Lawrence to Hudson’s Bay, by
the route of the Saguenay and Lake St. John. He described it as having
formerly been the place where all the nations inhabiting the country
“between the two seas” assembled to barter their furs. He saw the
representatives of more than twenty nations assembled there. But in a
few years afterwards the population of these regions had greatly
diminished, on account of the small-pox and the wars with the Mohawks.
The Jesuit missions of the Saguenay country commenced as early as 1616;
they were regularly continued for just one hundred years; abandoned for
some unknown cause from 1716 to 1720, when they were again started, but
finally abandoned in 1776. Since that time the Romish Bishops of Quebec
have had them in charge, but the Indians of the present day, fit to work
upon, are few and far between, although the Habitants are all good
Catholics, and appreciate the teachings of the priesthood. And in this
connection the interesting fact may be mentioned, that the inhabitants
of the post of Chicoutimie allege that the first bell ever brought to
North America was hung up in the church of their little hamlet; and
whether true or not, it was cracked about the year 1820, and a piece of
the metal is now in the cabinet of the writer of this paper.
During a late angling expedition to Canada, the writer formed the
acquaintance in Quebec of an interesting youth, who had but recently
returned from a winter’s residence in the inhospitable district of
Chicoutimie. Though not more than seventeen years of age, his love of
wild life and adventure had induced him to forego the comforts of home
in Quebec, and to spend several months among the snow-covered hills of
the farther north; and, failing to find a suitable companion, had
performed the expedition alone. Boy-like, he kept a minute journal of
his daily experiences, noting down all that he saw and heard, and it is
now proposed to lay before the reader a few selections from that
journal, by way of illustrating the manner of life, the productions,
sporting capabilities, and the scenery of Chicoutimie. The young
adventurer left Quebec on the 30th of August in a steamer, accompanied
by his dog Dash, and after a pleasant sail of one hundred and forty
miles down the St. Lawrence, and spending a night in Tadousac, continued
up the Saguenay and landed in the village of Chicoutimie at the close of
the following day.
Off again the next morning, first in a charette, and then in a canoe
manned by two Indians, when his next stopping-place was at an Indian
wigwam on Lake Kenogami. At this lake he killed a number of ducks, and
on reaching the hamlet at the foot of the lake, marked on the maps as
the “Church,” he became domiciled in the cabin of a Habitant, and
commenced his sporting operations. His first venture was after trout,
which he captured with a fly made of oakum (for he had neglected to
bring any regular flies), and also with a piece of squirrel meat for
bait. After his first supper in this lonely and out-of-the-way place, he
was called upon to take a hand in a game of whist, with an Indian girl
for his partner, and moralised upon the circumstance to this effect:
“Her eyes are very black, she is bashful in the extreme, and I have
well-nigh lost my heart already. It’s all very fine to talk about loving
a squaw, but I have seen some Indian girls who would not lose in
comparison with many white ones that I have known. Young squaws are only
brunettes.”
The style of our young sportsman will be found to possess a freshness
which is quite in keeping with his daily experiences:—
_September 4._—Went fishing to-day and caught three kinds of fish. One
of them was a “witloosh,” a fish which resembles the whitefish, only it
is larger and deeper in the belly. Bought a pair of moccasins; and as
Dash was not well, took him over to a neighbouring cabin to consult a
dog doctor. Towards sunset I killed a pair of teal.
_September 6._—Rained cats and dogs all the morning. In the afternoon
explored the whole of this side of Lake Kenogamish in a birch canoe. In
the evening read for an hour in a History of the United States, which
had strayed into this settlement, and which nobody else could read. I
was so unlucky as to put my landlady in the sulks to-day, because I
asked her for a box to sleep on in the middle of the floor, as I could
not stand another night in a bed on account of its _permanent
inhabitants_. I praised her baby, a black little wretch that I would not
have touched with a pole, when she became pleased again, and I was
supplied with a box. Some confounded fool has spread a report that I
have got £200 in my pocket. I suppose he may have seen a roll of bills,
but they were all one-dollar bills. I am afraid now the Habitants will
charge me extravagantly for anything I may want.
_September 8._—The box wouldn’t do, and so I have changed my quarters.
The “blood of this Englishman” was not intended to be squandered after
this fashion.
_September 9._—A charette passed the house to-day, upon which was
fastened a canoe. Following behind was a Scotchman, attended by two
_voyageurs_; they were on their way to Lake St. John for a week’s
shooting. If I had not been so shy, and had asked the stranger in to
take a cup of coffee, I might have been invited to join the party. An
old trapper entertained me with his talk to-night. He told me that his
line of traps usually extended about twenty miles, and that his camp was
about midway between the two extremities. It took him four days to visit
all the traps travelling on snow-shoes, and when he caught fifty marten
in one winter he was satisfied. He baited with fish or any kind of fresh
meat; carried no provisions for himself but flour and pork; his lodge or
camp was commonly a hole scooped in the snow, the bottom covered with
fir or spruce branches; and for several years past he has received about
one Canadian pound for each of his marten skins. They are more valuable
now than all the other peltries put together.
_September 10._—Little sick, and rather lonesome. Too much black bread
and omelette won’t do; by permission, shot a hen for my dinner with
pistol. Towards evening shot a teal before the house with my gun, and
then went out with my new landlord to watch for musk-rats, shooting two.
One of my rats was shot in the head, and so I secured a capital skin.
Frost on the ground this morning. They say that for every foot of snow
that falls at Lake St. John, which is perhaps twenty miles distant, two
feet fall here.
_September 11._—Moulded bullets in the morning, and waited alone for
musk-rats all the afternoon. Strange thoughts passed through my mind as
I sat there on the banks of the lonely bayou; nor were my feelings
cheered by the continual screaming of a loon. On my way home shot a few
golden plover. In the evening an old trapper, with hair as white as
snow, came in, and I got him to talking, when I was much interested in
his stories of wild life. One of them was about a cannibal. About ten
years ago there was an Indian trader named Pullen, two white men, and an
Indian, who were living at a fort on Pelly river. Provisions were
scarce, and the Indians were bringing nothing in. That was in September,
and in November a fire destroyed nearly everything, including their
ammunition. For a time they lived entirely upon a few furs which they
had saved; but in December the Indian, with his wife and a child, left
for the woods, where they got a few rabbits and roots, while Pullen went
off to a lake to see what relief he could obtain. He was gone five days,
and on his return, with a few fish and a little game, he found that one
man was missing. The survivor said that his companion had died, that he
had been buried, but that the wolves had taken off the body. Pullen saw
some bones in the fireplace, and when told they were the bones of a
deer, he knew better, and his suspicions were aroused. He sought out the
Indian, who had visited the fort unexpectedly, and who confirmed the
horrid suspicions, and soon afterwards the cannibal confessed his crime.
The thought made Pullen sick, and he left the fort, but returned in
three days to look after the wretch, when he found him dead before the
fireplace, a ghastly skeleton.
_September 15 (Sunday)._—Got into a great discussion with my landlord
to-day about the Catholic and Protestant religions, but I am afraid I
was hardly competent to show that ours was the right one. He is a
precious rascal at any rate. He appropriates everything of mine, just as
if it were his own. He takes my powder, shot, caps, brush and comb, and
to-day he even asked me for my cap to wear to church, which I lent him.
This is what they call Indian or half-breed manners, I suppose. Begin to
speak a little Indian.
_September 17._—I have been alone during the entire day, as all the
family went off on some domestic expedition yesterday. Fixed up my own
breakfast, prepared the coffee, fried a piece of pork, and made some
pancakes with flour and water, which I greatly prefer to the confounded
black bread which these people live upon. This afternoon the fields
around the house were covered with birds, which they call “Étourneaux.”
I killed a number, and found them good eating. Also killed a brace of
“quacks,” and have been excited over the news that an Indian killed a
bear at the mouth of La Belle Riviere, where the black fellows and wild
geese are said to be abundant, and I intend soon to go.
_September 28._—I have been on a bear hunt with a man named Bolu, but
we didn’t kill anything but a lot of ducks and partridges. I saw one
spot where a regular beaten path had been made by the bears, and
although we stumbled upon two of them I couldn’t get a good shot, but
Bolu brought one to bay, drew blood from him, and then let him escape.
We encamped on the shore of the St. John, from which point we could
distinctly see the Hudson’s Bay Post, nine miles away. When we were in
camp a canoe came down La Belle Riviere, managed by two Indians, with a
“young lady” on board, half Scotch and half Indian, who was going to do
housework at the Post. I gave her a tip-top breakfast, and she continued
her journey. As we sat in our camp one night Bolu told me this legend: A
long time ago the great Atchocam of the Indians went hunting with lynxes
instead of dogs. Just when he came upon a herd of caribou he called to
the lynxes to help him, when he saw them swimming into the middle of a
lake, where they disappeared. He waded into the lake after them, when
the waters began to rise, and continued to rise until they covered the
whole world. After a while Atchocam became sorry for what he had done,
and, sending an otter a great way down into the waters to get a little
earth, he worked with it until the land became again as it was before,
and the lake—which we call St. John—looked exactly as if nothing had
happened; but along its shores wild cats or lynxes have always been
abundant. This man Bolu is a strange creature, and he is my bedfellow,
or, rather, we sleep under the same blanket. Up to this time my
sleeping-places have been somewhat varied: on a bed and a box when under
a roof, and when out hunting, on spruce or fir boughs, on downy moss,
and on a pebbly beach or flat rock. But I never sleep better than I do
in these forest camps.
_October 2._—We had a terrible hail-storm last night, and to-day it is
bitter cold. Flocks of robins and étourneaux have been passing towards
the south all day. On examining my box of groceries I found that more
than half of my tea had been abstracted. Generally speaking, these
half-breed people are honest, so that this discovery puzzles me. Five
étourneaux alighted near our cabin to-day, and on putting them up I
killed four on the wing. While out in the woods to-day I gathered up an
armful of mosses and brought them to the house to examine. They are all
of them very beautiful and wonderful, and are found everywhere growing
in great luxuriance throughout this region, from Hudson’s Bay to the
eastern coast of Labrador. One of them is called the caribou moss,
because it is the chief winter food of that animal; and another kind,
called _tripe de roche_, is employed as a medicine and in healing
wounds, and in times of scarcity is prepared and used as an article of
food. There is also a very beautiful scarlet lichen, which some of our
naturalists, I am told, have supposed to be identical with the _manna_
of the Bible.
_October 4._—Two magnificent canoes, filled with lumbermen, passed our
house to-day, bound to Lake St. John; and two small canoes, with Indians
in them, passed the house, bound to Chicoutimie. One of my new
acquaintances, a queer stick, wanted me to tattoo his name upon his arm.
I did so; and, after he had endured all the pain, he did not have the
satisfaction of seeing his name; the Indian ink was spurious, and
swelled his arm to an enormous size, and I was afraid he would die. In
that event, he ought certainly to be properly labelled. This afternoon,
in less than half an hour, I killed one partridge, three ortolans, and
thirteen étourneaux. The man I live with has been getting in his
potatoes, and will have a crop of two hundred bushels. The mode of
keeping them for winter use is to bury them in the ground.
_October 9._—Had an attack of croup to-day, and was afraid, if it got
worse, I should be a “gone goose.” There is not a drop of anything about
here in the shape of medicine, excepting a kind of _pain killer_, a
small bottle of which is carried by almost every Canadian in his pocket.
In spite of my bad feelings, however, I went out to a certain spot in
the woods and built myself a cabin, near which I hope to hunt for moose
later in the season. This afternoon I put a few plover out of breath as
they were going towards the south.
_October 17._—Since my last entry I have made an excursion with an
Indian down La Belle Riviere, which runs towards the north, a short
distance along the shore of St. John, and down to a lumber “slide” on
the Little Discharge. We damaged our canoe while passing a rapid, and
were nearly swamped in the lake. There was a heavy fog, and the lake was
white with foam; and, although we could not see them, the air was filled
with the screaming of wild-fowl. We abandoned our canoe at the slide,
and walked back to my quarters, a distance of fifteen miles, through the
woods. I killed five partridges; but, instead of a bear, I demolished a
skunk. All the way from Quebec to kill one of these refreshing
creatures! My dog Dash bothers me. He wants pluck, and spends too much
of his time with his tail between his legs. There is a man here who
wants him, and I think I shall sell. Perhaps the dog does not like this
vagabond life that his master is leading. Does he think that
sleigh-riding with the pretty girls in Quebec would pay better? or that
I ought to be at home studying “like a dog”? Time enough for those
duties yet.
_October 22._—Killed a musk-rat before sunrise this morning. I enjoy
hunting for these creatures very much, for it is generally so still on
the banks of the streams where they are found, and this being in the
woods, entirely alone, seems to do me good in many ways. In old times,
the hunters tell me, musk-rat skins were extensively used in
manufacturing _beaver_ hats, and were a profitable peltry. Musk-rats are
nocturnal in their habits, but in their more secluded haunts frequently
leave their holes and wander about, swimming on the top of the water.
They live upon roots and vegetables, and in spite of their musky flavour
are eaten by the Indians. Like the beaver, they build little houses for
the comfort of their families, but are without the wisdom or cunning of
the superior animal; and while they resemble the other in general
appearance, they do not capture fish for a living, nor swim with the
same rapidity; but whatever naturalists may say, it seems to me that
there is not any greater difference between these several inhabitants of
the wilderness, than we find existing between the white, Indian, and
negro races of men. In the afternoon I was up in the woods with only my
axe, making a road, when Dash put up a hare, which came within ten feet
of me and squatted on his hind legs, as if he had something to say, and
then disappeared. Immediately afterwards the dog started a cock
partridge, which quietly perched upon a tree within twelve feet of me.
This impudence provoked me, and I threw the axe at the bird, but without
effect. After considering the matter, I think I acted like a fool.
Perhaps that innocent bird had an affection for me, and how mean it was
in me to be angry because I could not take its life.
_October 31._—I returned from a trip to Paribonca this morning,
disgusted. We started full of hope; camped the first night on the
outside island, near the mouth of the Little Discharge, and there met a
chap, in the employ of the Prices, who was searching for two boats that
had drifted away from the Post. He was a very funny fellow; had been all
over the world; fought in the Crimea and in India as a soldier; and had
once been captain of a gun on board a man-of-war. We enjoyed a pork
breakfast together immensely. While at that camp we heard that there
were large numbers of geese at Paribonca, but at the same time that an
entire tribe of Indians had gone there to lay in a winter supply of
provisions. When we started on our return I _felt_ as Dash usually
_looks_ when his tail is down. This is just the season when the wild
geese leave the north for a sojourn in the far south, during the time of
frost and snow. Their advent is hailed with great delight by the
Indians, and they inaugurate this harvest-time by various ceremonies,
incantations, and dances. The same interest is again manifested in the
spring, when the geese leave the south, and return to spend a short
summer in the north, where they rear their young. Before leaving the
lake, we spent a night with a lot of thirsty raftsmen, who were a jolly
set of fellows, and among whom were a set of Yankees.
_November 1.—All Saints’ Day._—More than half the people in the
settlement went to church last night to practise singing, and my host, I
find, is leader of the choir. This has been a quiet day with me, and I
have been reading and writing letters. The people are afraid to stir out
of their houses to-night, as they believe all the dead come out of their
graves on this particular night, and sit upon them to beg for prayers,
and do not return to their coffins until to-morrow night. Masses were
held all day in the church for the souls of the dead.
_November 2._—To-day I enjoyed a novel kind of sport, that of
_shooting_ trout in Lac Vert, a beautiful sheet of water near here. The
trout have a habit, at this season, of swimming near the shore, and
concealing myself in the bushes near by, I saw them distinctly, and
fired away as if they had been birds. I killed a good lot of them, most
of them measuring about eighteen inches in length. Sometimes the Indians
shoot very large ones in that way.
_November 4._—Went trout-shooting again to-day, and had tip-top luck,
so far as the fish were concerned, but wound up by falling head first
into the water from an overhanging tree, at the very instant I was about
to fire. As there had been a storm, and the weather was cold, I had a
miserable time. My companion made a fire, and after warming myself, and
drying my clothes, we returned home.
_November 13._—The ground is everywhere covered with snow, two or three
feet deep, and for several days I have been setting traps for marten and
hare. Provisions are getting scarce in the settlement, and the people
seem to be dreadfully poor. No bread, butter, or meat in the house, and
we are living on potatoes and milk. I took a drive to-day, in a cariole,
to a lake nine miles off; stopped long enough to get six partridges. On
my return, my host wanted me to shoot an old horse of his which he
thought was dying; I did so, and the family are counting upon a good
supply of soap _fat_. But I am amazed that they should ever talk of
_soap_ in this region.
_November 20._—The lakes and rivers were all frozen hard last night,
for the first time this season. I longed for my skates, and after some
trouble managed to borrow a pair; but they were so rickety and dull that
I cracked my crown a number of times, and then retired to nurse my wrath
to keep my body warm.
_November 23._—Went to Lac Vert to-day to fish for trout through the
ice; used some spring hooks that I brought with me; didn’t miss a fish,
and brought home a big lot, but I nearly froze to death in the cold
wind. On my return from the lake I visited my traps, and added to my
spoils two hares, one marten, and one mink. Had a talk to-night with my
landlord about beaver. He said they were not as abundant in this region
as formerly, and not in great demand among the fur-traders. After
describing their houses and mode of trapping them, he said that for a
few weeks in each year the beaver was wholly absorbed by the instinct
for building, and that it was quite impossible to interfere with its
mechanical labours at that time. But the most curious fact that he
mentioned was to this effect: One kind of trap occasionally used here is
a small square crate, made of tough wood, into which the young beavers
are easily decoyed, but the old ones never; and it is positively stated,
that when the old beaver finds any of its young imprisoned, it
clandestinely feeds them at night with a poisonous plant, which causes
immediate death. If this be true, it is indeed wonderful that a
representative of the brute creation should prefer death to a life-long
imprisonment.
_November 30._—I have been very near to death’s door to-day. This
morning I started off alone to fish for trout in Lac Vert, my host
promising to join me in two or three hours. On my way out I met a young
acquaintance, who was induced to join me. When we were altogether at one
end of the lake, and had caught several fish, we agreed to go down the
lake to a certain point. I took the lead, and we walked about twenty
yards apart. At a place where the water was fifty feet deep, I broke
through; at first I went completely under; then supported myself by
holding on to the edge of the ice, which, as I tried to get upon, kept
crumbling off, and under would I go again; but after a while, and when
my hands were so benumbed that I could not hold on to anything, but held
myself with my elbows, the men, with the help of two long poles, got me
out alive, and slid me along the ice to the shore. The men then made a
big fire, and while one of them gave me his shirt and the other his
coat, to put on while mine were drying, we soon got ready and made for
home in double-quick time. Had it not been for my companions, I should
most certainly have perished.
_December 12._—The man with whom I have been living heretofore is such
a vagabond that I have been obliged to quit his cabin and find board and
lodging elsewhere. I am now nicely fixed, and pay fifteen dollars per
month for board and lodging. Wheat-bread now, breakfast and pancakes,
all the sugar and tea I want, and I do not have to act as cook. Visited
all my mink traps to-day, and found that they had been sprung by the
cunning weasels. Have bought a pair of moccasins, and find them much
better for snow travelling than any white man’s shoe or boot. My new
host and all his family have been singing to-night, by way of
preparation for Christmas.
_December 20._—Went hunting in a sleigh to-day with a young half-breed;
he drove the pony, and on our return, we were upset; no bones broken,
but one of the guns went off, sending a buckshot through my coat-sleeve,
and lodging two of them in the fleshiest part of my companion’s body,
which I extracted without much harm. If this young man is a careless
driver, he more than makes up the loss by his good looks. He is straight
as an arrow, has intensely black hair, and his usual dress at this
season is a white blanket capote, blue cloth leggings, tight moccasins,
and the scarlet cap usually worn by the better class of Labrador
Indians, altogether forming the combination which the Quebec artist
(Krieghoff) is so fond of painting.
_December 31._—Went down to Chicoutimie village seven days ago on a
little trip, and the Prices were so kind that I accepted their
invitation to spend Christmas. They have a regular little palace, as it
seemed to me. You may judge of my sensations when I saw a table laid out
for me in half an hour after my arrival, covered with all sorts of cold
meats, toast, preserves, etc.; and then the pleasure of looking over
their papers and magazines, of which they take a great number! I was
quite amazed to see the extent of the lumbering operations carried on at
that place, but was more interested in the farm belonging to Messrs.
David and Wm. Price. This farm is very large, and has already cost the
sum of £32,000. It has long been, and is still, under the management of
the same experienced farmer who organised it for the original owner, Wm.
Price. He has separate buildings for the cows, bulls, oxen, calves,
sheep, and pigs, and keeps about fifty horses. The cattle are a cross
between the Canadian and short-horn—a part of the stock for beef and
the balance for hauling timber; and in the summer sawdust, instead of
straw, is used in the various stables; and all the grain and vegetables
which grow around Quebec are found here in equal perfection. The
farmer’s family consists of his wife, four daughters (elegant young
ladies), and two sons; and such a dinner as they gave me I can never
forget. After being treated with so much kindness I found it hard to get
away; but I made a bolt, and came back to my habitant quarters in a
cariole alone.
_January 1._—There was quite a party at our house last night. All the
pretty girls of the settlement were on hand, and we had two or three
cushion dances, or what the French call round dances. I received many
more kisses than were satisfactory. Of course the case would have been
different if some of the dancers had been my old flames. The Quebec
fashion of making visits on New Year’s Day is kept up here, but the
habit of “kissing all round” is carried to a preposterous extent in this
wild region. We’ve had a terrible storm, and the weather is very cold. A
man made his appearance here to-day, connected with the fur-company, who
is about to perform a journey on snow-shoes of two hundred and fifty
miles, and he expects to complete it in eight days.
_January 6._—There was a wedding at the church yesterday morning at
seven o’clock. The victim was one of my habitant cronies. I was invited,
but forgot all about it, and went to look after my snares. As I came
back from the woods the party was returning, and I joined them with my
gun on shoulder. I went the rounds with the married couple, took dinner
at the bride’s house, officiated as master of ceremonies, and had the
seat of honour on the right of the wedded pair. The dancing commenced an
hour or two after dinner, and continued with unabated fury until
daylight this morning, after which there was a lucid interval of a few
hours, when they all went at it again, and as I am about going to bed
decidedly conquered, bedlam still reigns. One of the wedding-guests came
on foot from his surveying camp on the Great Discharge, a distance of
forty miles, and he is going back to-morrow on foot again. Another of
the guests was an Irish pedlar, and the fun which he afforded by his
frolicking, his stories, and his use of Canadian French, was something
rich and rare.
_January 13._—Snow, snow, for two nights and two days, but to-night it
is cold and clear, and the northern lights are perfectly
magnificent—the seven prismatic colours vying to eclipse each other in
brilliancy.
_January 22._—Didn’t feel well this morning, and thinking that exercise
was all I wanted, took a long walk on snow-shoes; on my return, chopped
some wood for my good host, and then amused myself by watching the whole
family while butchering two or three hogs. I am generally fond of fresh
pork, but think I shall not indulge until I reach Quebec.
_January 27._—A great deal of snow has fallen, and the hunters promise
me some good moose-hunting. Doubt it. Haven’t forgotten my blasted
expectations in regard to bear.
_February 4._—Have been upon a visit to the Hudson’s Bay Post on Lake
St. John. It is a strange and lonely place, with the usual number of
hunters and trappers hanging about the store adjoining the factor’s
house. I was shown the room where the peltries are kept. There were
about five hundred beaver skins, a thousand marten, nine hundred mink,
and about a thousand wolf, fox, fisher, and bear skins. Still, they say
this has been one of the poorest years. In sending the peltries down to
Lachine in the summer, they are all packed in lots weighing seventy-five
pounds. Three packs of marten, sent down last year, contained not less
than twenty-two hundred and fifty marten skins, and the total number of
packs was forty. I saw the Hudson’s Bay Company’s stamp or seal, with
the curious motto of “Skin for Skin” in Latin, and made a sketch of the
four one-story-and-a-half buildings which comprise the post. I also saw
here some of those preposterous pieces of wood which the factors give
the poor Indian hunters in the place of money. They are called castors,
and though they answer very well as a kind of due bill, are, of course,
entirely useless except at the post where they are issued. I borrowed at
this place a copy of Dickens’s “Bleak House;” to see a genuine home of
that sort the great novelist ought to visit these parts. This post is
only one of thirty-one belonging to the Montreal Department, while the
Northern Department numbers thirty-four, the Southern Department
twenty-eight, and the Department of Columbia seventeen. The grades
recognised at these posts are seven—a labourer, an interpreter, the
postmaster, the apprentice clerks, full clerks, the trader, and the
chief factor,—and it is thought that three-fourths of the Company’s
servants are Scotchmen, with a large sprinkling of half-breeds and
French Canadians. Returned to the settlement partly on snow-shoes.
Snow-shoeing is splendid.
_March 1._—Have been down to Chicoutimie village again. Was invited to
another wedding at Grand Bay. Went with the farmer’s family. Danced many
times with the young ladies, and one of them made me happy by taking a
seat in my cariole back to Chicoutimie. The next day I drove two of them
over to Grand Bay again, and did not cast a thought on moose or any
other kind of hunting. Altogether I had as pleasant a time as could be
_expected_. Of course the _weather_ prevented me from leaving
Chicoutimie as soon as I at first desired. The weather, however, is
getting spring-like. On my return, I found that my landlord had, for a
whole week, been as “tight as a bucket,” as the Irish pedlar would say.
_March 3._—The winding-up dance of the winter came off last night, for
as soon as Lent begins these people are dreadfully good. As to the
weather, it is all drizzle and slush. A regular rainy season is about
commencing, they say, and before the roads are impassable, I must turn
my face towards Quebec. Snow-shoeing and hunting are about finished for
the season.
_March 9._—Have made my last visit to the Post, where I expected to
make an arrangement for a moose hunt, but only heard that one man had
killed seven caribou during the past week, and while there another
hunter brought in a splendid old moose. When I left Quebec, my chief
hope was that I might at least see a wild moose in these woods, if I
could not kill one; but I have not had a chance to do either, and the
season is breaking up, and I must soon leave the country. From what the
men tell me, perhaps a single hunt would have used me up for ever. The
hunter told me that he fell upon the track of his game more than fifty
miles from Lake St. John; that he followed him two whole days on
snow-shoes, camping out one night without anything to eat; and finally
killed him when in sight of the lake, from which spot he brought him to
the Post on a sledge made of bark.
CHICOUTIMIE VILLAGE, _March 19_.—I came here yesterday from Kenogamish,
my winter quarters, with the postman; and soon after my arrival, my late
landlord of the woods made his appearance, bringing a handsome bearskin
and a pair of moose horns as presents for me. I did my best last night
to make him have a good time, and he bade me good-bye this morning. I
have a little engagement with certain ladies here, and after my duty to
them has been performed, I shall start on my return journey to Quebec.
PUSHMATAHAW.
Once on a time a delegation of chiefs of the Choctaw nation waited upon
Mr. Calhoun, then Secretary of War, on matters of business connected
with the welfare of their people. After several interviews, and the
business had been finished, the secretary threw aside his official
dignity, and had a long and familiar talk with the chiefs on topics of
mutual interest. Among other things, he said to them that, as they were
all reputed to be the great men of their tribe, he would like to have
them tell him how they had acquired their influence and fame. All eyes
were at once turned upon the head of the delegation, but he pointed to
the youngest man present to begin with his story, and intimated that he
himself would “close the debate.” All the chiefs present then proceeded
in turn, and briefly recounted the leading events of their lives, the
main idea of their several speeches seeming to be that all their
ancestors were very distinguished people. In due time the head chief of
the delegation stood up in his place and uttered these words:—
“Pushmatahaw never had a father nor a mother. A little cloud was once
seen in the northern sky. It came before a rushing wind, and covered the
Choctaw country with darkness. Out of it flew the angry fire. It struck
a large oak, and scattered its limbs and its trunk all along the ground,
and from that spot sprung forth a warrior fully armed for war; and that
man was Pushmatahaw.” It is the history of this man that we now propose
to record, and our principal authority for what follows is Peter
Pitchlynn, the Choctaw chief whose father, John Pitchlynn, was an
intimate friend of the warrior during the long period that he held the
position of interpreter in the Choctaw nation.
Pushmatahaw was born in what is now the State of Mississippi about the
year 1764, and he distinguished himself on the war-path before he had
attained his twentieth year. He joined an expedition against the Osages
on the western side of the Mississippi, and, because of his youth and
propensity for talking, he was a good deal laughed at by the more
experienced men of the party. Every night, after making their
camp-fires, some of the more fluent warriors were wont to deliver
speeches touching their intended movements, and the boy-warrior did not
hesitate to express his views and intentions; but the older men shook
their heads in derision. In due time the war party reached the Osage
country, and a desperate fight soon occurred. It lasted nearly a whole
day, and, when concluded by the defeat of the Osages, it was whispered
around that the boy had disappeared early in the conflict, and he was
condemned as a coward. At midnight he rejoined his friends at their
rendezvous, and they jeered him to his face for running away. To this he
made reply by saying:—“Let those laugh who can show more scalps than I
can,” whereupon he took from his pouch no less than five scalps, and
threw them upon the ground. They were the result of a flank movement
which he had made single-handed on the rear of the enemy. From that
night they looked upon the young warrior as a great man, and gave him
the name of the _Eagle_.
His second expedition to the west was for the harmless purpose of
hunting buffaloes, but met with an unexpected termination. While roaming
on the headwaters of the Red River, he and his party of one hundred were
attacked by a band of five hundred Toranqua Indians, and although
several of his companions were killed, and he lost his favourite
cap—which was ornamented with eagle’s feathers and the rattles of the
rattlesnake—he made his escape into the borders of Mexico, where he
spent several years with the Mexican Indians. On his return to his own
country he went alone in the night to a Toranqua village, where he
killed seven men with his own hand, set fire to several tents, and made
his retreat uninjured.
For a few months afterward he tried hard to lead a quiet life among his
own people, but the old spirit of revenge still rankled in his breast;
and, as he could always count upon any number of followers, during the
next two years he performed three expeditions into the Toranqua country,
and added eight fresh scalps as a fringe to his war costume. The
Toranquas, or Man-eaters, were so named because they sometimes indulged
in cannibalism, and our hero, because of his success in fighting them,
came to be known among his own people as the _Man-eater_. Once, on being
questioned as to the secret of his success in fighting, he simply
replied:—
“I scare them first, and then I whip them.”
Passing over about fifteen years of his life, in regard to which we know
nothing that merits special notice, we find him, in 1810, boasting that
his name was Pushmatahaw, or “_the warrior’s seat is finished_,” and
enjoying the reputation of being a famous ball-player. He was then
living on the Tombigbee, and while engaged in a national game, which
kept him away from home for several days, a party of Creek Indians
visited his cabin and burned it to the ground. His bloodthirsty nature
was at once roused, and, summoning his most faithful friends, he
suddenly invaded the Creek country, killing many of these new enemies
and destroying much of their property. He travelled with such rapidity,
and performed such desperate deeds, that he became a terror to the
entire tribe; and this agreeable pastime he kept up until the
commencement of the English and American war of 1812, when he promptly
took sides with the United States.
The council which decided the course of the Choctaws lasted ten days.
All the warriors and leading men were for neutrality, excepting John
Pitchlynn the interpreter and Pushmatahaw. Up to the last day he had not
uttered a word, but at that time he made the following speech:—“The
Creeks were once our friends. They have joined the English, and we must
now follow different trails. When our fathers took the hand of
Washington, they told him the Choctaws would always be the friends of
his nation, and Pushmatahaw cannot be false to their promises. I am now
ready to fight against both the English and the Creeks. I have seventeen
hundred men, who are willing and ready for battle. You who may wish to
do so, can stay at home and attend to the pots. I and my warriors are
going to Tuscaloosa, and when you hear from us again the Creek fort will
be in ashes.” And his prophecy was duly fulfilled. It was some months
before this period that the great prophet of the Shawnees, Tecumseh’s
brother, visited the Southern Indians, and tried to mass them together
against the United States. He craved an audience with Pushmatahaw, and
was permitted to attend a council at a spot in what is now Noxaby
County. In the course of his speech he said that the earthquake which
had lately occurred was the Great Spirit stamping his foot upon the
ground; that it was a signal for all the Indians to begin war against
the Americans, whose powder would not burn; and that after the victory
they were sure to gain, the buffaloes would come back again into their
country. Pushmatahaw made this reply: “Every word you have uttered is a
lie. You are a prophet, but there are other prophets beside yourself.
The cause of the earthquake no prophet can tell. If it had any meaning,
it was a signal for Pushmatahaw and all his warriors to rush at once
upon the English and all the enemies of the United States. If you were
not my guest, I would make you feel my tomahawk. I advise you to leave
this country at once.”
The Creeks and Seminoles allied themselves to the British. Pushmatahaw
made war upon them with such energy and success that the whites gave him
the title of the Indian _General_, which he and his people considered a
decided advance on his previous titles of warrior, hunter, man-eater,
and ball-player. It was while helping the American cause, and playing
the part of a general, that he one day struck a white soldier with his
sword. When brought up by the officer in command, and questioned as to
his reasons for such conduct, he replied that the soldier had insulted
his wife, and he only struck the offender with the side of his sword to
teach him his duty; but that if the act had been done by an officer
instead of a common soldier, he should have used the sharp edge of his
sword in defence of his wife, who had come from a great distance to
visit him. Indeed, the fearlessness of this man was one of his leading
characteristics; and that trait, allied to his proud and energetic
spirit, gave him unbounded influence among his people. Though delighting
in revenge, and though he had stained his hands in the blood of many
enemies, he was generous to those who were poorer than himself, and
always took pleasure in extending the hospitality of his cabin to
strangers. During all his matured life he indulged in the luxury of two
wives, and he defended his conduct on that score by saying that there
were more women than men in the world, and no woman should be without a
husband. As there was something intemperate in all the actions of his
life, as well when trying to take a scalp as when feasting a friend upon
venison, it was to be expected that he should drink to excess. He seldom
indulged, however, when he had important business on hand; but the
wickedness of being drunk never weighed heavily on his mind. On one
occasion during the war, when he was figuring as “general,” a soldier
was arrested and confined to the guard-house for drunkenness, but when
Pushmatahaw had heard the particulars, he ordered the man to be
released, remarking, “Is that all? many good warriors get drunk.”
At the conclusion of the war he returned to the Tombigbee, hung up his
sword as the principal ornament of his cabin, was made chief of the
Choctaw nation, and devoted a number of years to quiet enjoyment.
It was at this period that the following incident occurred. A large
number of Choctaws, including Pushmatahaw, had come together for the
purpose of having a frolic. When the festivities had reached fever-heat,
two half-breeds, named James Pitchlynn and Jerry Folsom, took it into
their heads to insult the chief, whereupon his friends came to the
rescue and gave the offenders a sound thrashing. One year afterward, as
these half-breeds were sitting together in a cabin and telling some
bystanders, in very glowing language, how they would revenge themselves
upon Pushmatahaw if they ever met him again, it so happened that the
chief made his appearance in front of the house, mounted upon his horse.
He had ridden sixty miles, and was on his way to Columbus, in
Mississippi. On being told who was in the cabin he dismounted and
entered. An embarrassing silence prevailed for some minutes, which was
finally broken by these words from the lips of the chief: “I am glad to
see you, my friends. I have actually shed tears on account of our
trouble last year. We were all drunk and all fools. I offer you the hand
of a friend.” The hand was gladly accepted by the frightened
half-breeds.
But soon the white man began to press upon the hunting-grounds of his
people, and the disagreeable subject of emigrating to the West was
forced upon his attention. He made several treaties with the General
Government, and with one of them, signed in 1820, is connected the
following incident. General Andrew Jackson was the commissioner on the
part of the United States, and one of the stipulations that he
introduced displeased Pushmatahaw, and he refused to affix his name. On
seeing this the General put on all his dignity and thus addressed the
chief:—
“I wish you to understand that I am Andrew Jackson, and, by the Eternal,
you _shall_ sign that treaty as I have prepared it.”
The chief was not disconcerted by this haughty address, and springing
suddenly to his feet, and imitating the manner of his opponent, thus
replied:—
“I know very well who you are, but I wish you to understand that I am
Pushmatahaw, head chief of the Choctaws; and, by the Eternal, I will
_not_ sign that treaty.”
The General concluded that he had found his match in the frontier style
of diplomacy, and, having modified his views, the chief was satisfied,
and then promptly affixed his signature to one of the parchments, which
was to banish the Choctaws from the land of their fathers.
As Pushmatahaw was by nature determined and dictatorial, he very
frequently put himself into positions of great hazard by his official as
well as private conduct, an instance of which occurred at the village of
Columbus in 1823. A Choctaw named Attoba, while crossing a ferry, had
accidentally killed the ferryman with his pistol, and as the deceased
was a white man and popular, the excitement became great, and the Indian
was arrested for the alleged murder. The moment the Choctaw chief heard
of the affair, he went to Columbus and insisted that the prisoner,
whether guilty or not, must be given up to the custody of the Choctaw
nation, to be tried by the Indian laws. The civil authorities objected;
but the chief was furious, and in a speech of great power he said that
no Choctaw had ever spent a night in the white man’s prison, or had ever
been hanged, and that Attoba _must_ be released. The prisoner was
released, and, after undergoing a perfectly fair trial according to the
Choctaw code, it was proven that he had been drinking at the time of the
calamity; that he had long been on the most friendly terms with the
ferryman, and that the killing was purely accidental; whereupon he was
acquitted, and all parties, white as well as red, acquiesced in the
result.
Notwithstanding the fact that Pushmatahaw had taken the lives of many
fellow-beings and had a ferocious disposition, he was greatly beloved by
his own people, as well as by the whites. By the citizens of Mobile
especially he was treated with real affection, and they were in the
habit of speaking of him as the saviour of their city from the
depredations of the Creeks. He was fond of children, and when in the
mood would join them in their little games, and loved to talk with them
about his adventures and the wonders he had seen. Indeed he was greatly
gifted, not only as a story-teller but as a wit, when the spirit moved
him in that direction. He had five children of his own, and although he
could not himself speak a word of English, he took pains to have them as
well educated as his circumstances would allow. As already intimated, he
had a kind of passion for all sorts of games, and especially for the
ball-play, but he was honest in his dealings, and scrupulously observant
of his word. In 1823 he was present at a council near the residence of
his friend, John Pitchlynn, the interpreter. By way of celebrating the
4th of July, the latter personage had given a feast to the resident
Indian agent, at which a number of leading Choctaws were present,
including Pushmatahaw. When the guests were about to depart, it was
observed that he had no horse, and as he was getting to be too old to
prosecute his journey home on foot, the agent suggested to the
interpreter the propriety of presenting him with a horse. This was
agreed to on condition that the chief would promise not to exchange the
horse for whisky; and the old warrior, mounted on a fine young animal,
went on his way rejoicing. It was not long before he visited the agency
on foot, and it was found that he had lost his horse by betting at a
ball-play.
“Did you not promise,” said the agent, “that you would not sell the
horse for whisky?”
“I did so,” replied the chief; “but I did not promise that I would not
risk the animal at a game of ball.”
In 1824 Pushmatahaw went to Washington with a delegation of his
principal men, for the purpose, to use his own style of speaking, of
brightening the chain of peace between the Americans and the Choctaws.
President Monroe and Secretary of War Calhoun both treated him with the
respect due to his position, and with special consideration, on account
of his high bearing, ability, and important services during the war. The
primary object, on the part of the Government, in this negotiation, was
to induce the Choctaws to sell a new portion of their valuable lands in
Mississippi, but the members of the delegation were united in following
the advice of the head chief not to part with any more of their
possessions; and in the American State Papers will be found several
communications from Pushmatahaw, signed by himself and colleagues,
setting forth their reasons for rejecting all overtures.
Soon after his arrival in Washington, Pushmatahaw took a severe cold,
and was too much indisposed to do and say all that he desired; but a
second little speech, which he made to the Secretary of War, has been
preserved. It was to this effect:—
“FATHER,—I have been here some time. I have not talked, because I have
been sick. You shall hear me now. You have no doubt heard of me—I am
Pushmatahaw.
“When in my own country, I often looked toward this council-house, and
wanted to come here. I am in trouble, and will tell you why. I feel like
a small child, not half as high as his father, who comes up to look in
his father’s face, hanging in the bend of his arm, to tell him his
troubles. So, father, I hang in the bend of your arm, look in your face,
and now hear me speak. In my own country I heard there were men
appointed to talk to us. I would not speak there; I chose to come here
and speak in this beloved house. I can boast and say, and tell the
truth, that none of my forefathers, nor any Choctaws, ever drew bows
against the United States. They have always been friendly. We have held
the hands of the United States so long that our nails have grown to be
like birds’ claws, and there is no danger of their slipping out. My
nation has always listened to the white people. They have given away
their country until it is very small. I repeat the same about the land
east of the Tombigbee. I came here, when a young man, to see my father,
President Jefferson. He told me if ever we got into trouble we must run
and tell him. I am come. This is a friendly talk. It is like a man who
meets another and says, ‘How you do?’ Others will talk further.”
One of the objects of this delegation was to sell certain lands which
they owned on the Red River. After Pushmatahaw had described them, in
the most glowing terms imaginable, as a country where the valleys were
filled with black earth, and the waters were very pure, the Secretary of
War said to him—
“Good chief, you are contradicting yourself. When you wanted to buy
these very lands in 1820, you told General Jackson they were all rocks
and hills, and that the waters were only fit to overflow the crops, put
out fires, and float canoes. What is the meaning of the great change?”
“I can only say, good father,” was the reply, “that I am imitating the
white man. In 1820 we wanted to _buy_; now we are anxious to _sell_.”
Another speech that Pushmatahaw delivered in Washington was remarkable
from the fact that it expressed the opinion of a Stoic of the woods,
concerning one of the leading men of the time, General La Fayette, who
was then in the metropolis. The Choctaws called upon him in a body, and
after several of them had spoken, Pushmatahaw rose and said—
“Nearly fifty snows have melted since you drew the sword as a companion
of Washington. With him you fought the enemies of America. You mingled
your blood with that of the enemy, and proved yourself a warrior. After
you finished that war you returned to your own country, and now you have
come back to revisit a land where you are honoured by a happy and
prosperous people. You see everywhere the children of those by whose
side you went to battle, crowding around you, and shaking your hand, as
the hand of a father. We have heard these things told in our distant
villages, and our hearts longed to see you. We have come; we have taken
you by the hand, and are satisfied. This is the first time we ever saw
you; it will probably be the last. We have no more to say. The earth
will part us for ever.”
Shortly after this interview, the symptoms of the old Choctaw’s sickness
became alarming; and, when told that he might die, he spoke of the event
with the utmost coolness. His uppermost thought seemed to be that the
capital of the nation was an appropriate place to die in, and his
leading desire that he might be buried with military honours, and that
big guns might be fired over his grave. Toward the last he called his
companions around him, and gave them particular directions as to his
arms and ornaments; for he said he wanted to die like a man, and his
dying words to them were as follows:—
“I am about to die; but you will return to our country. As you go along
the paths you will see the flowers, and hear the birds sing; but
Pushmatahaw will see and hear them no more. When you reach home they
will ask you, ‘Where is Pushmatahaw?’ and you will say to them, ‘He is
no more,’ They will hear your words, as they do the fall of the great
oak in the stillness of the midnight woods.”
And then the Stoic died. The Government had him buried, with suitable
honours, in the Congressional Cemetery. A procession, more than a mile
long, followed his remains along Pennsylvania Avenue; minute guns were
fired from Capitol Hill, and a “big gun” over the grave of the chief.
Among those who attended his funeral was Andrew Jackson, who frequently
expressed the opinion that Pushmatahaw was the greatest and the bravest
Indian he had ever known.
A number of years after his death, John Randolph pronounced upon him, in
the United States Senate, the following eulogy:—
“In a late visit to the public graveyard, my attention was arrested by
the simple monument of the Choctaw chief, Pushmatahaw. He was, as I have
been told by those who knew him, one of Nature’s nobility, a man who
would have adorned any society. He lies by the side of our statesmen and
high magistrates in the region—for there is one such—where the red man
and the white man are on a level. On the sides of the plain shaft which
marks his place of burial, I read these words: ‘Pushmatahaw, a Choctaw
chief, lies here.’ This monument to his memory was erected by his
brother chiefs, who were associated with him in a delegation from their
nation, in the year 1824, to the Government of the United States. He was
wise in counsel, eloquent in an extraordinary degree, and, on all
occasions and under all circumstances, the white man’s friend. He died
at Washington, on the 24th of December 1824, of the croup, in the
sixtieth year of his age.”
THE POTOMAC FISHERMAN
AN AUTOBIOGRAPHIC SKETCH.
I am now an old man, and have been the chief fisherman in this locality
for thirty-five years. I first saw the light in this region, and here I
expect to die. Time is beginning to tell on my storm-exposed bones, but
as I have raised around me a large family of good boys and girls, I
shall be quite willing to go away when my Maker calls. Such swarms of
fish—of rock-fish and shad, of herring, catfish, and sturgeon—as I
have caught in the old Potomac, and such quantities of ducks, rabbits,
and partridges as I have killed in this valley during the winters, it
would be hard to estimate. And oh! how many and what awful freshets have
I witnessed! I have worked hard, tried to do my duty, and, upon the
whole, have led a happy life. I can remember when the first chain bridge
was thrown across the river, just below the “Big Eddy;” that bridge and
all its successors I have seen carried away. Little did I think in those
old days that I should ever hear the guns of civil war on this spot, and
see thousands upon thousands of soldiers marching from one side of the
river to shoot down in cold blood their brothers on the other side. But
the rebellion is over now, and I am very glad and thankful. The fighting
is at an end, and all the troops have long since gone to their various
homes, excepting those who are sleeping on the hills of Arlington. It
used to be a real pleasure to me to see these poor fellows enjoying
themselves when in camp at the Little Falls, and to hear the music of
their regimental bands. That music was very grand, I know, and the blast
of the bugle stirred one’s blood; but to my ear, after all, nothing
sounded so sweetly as did the singing of the birds, the roar of the
river, and the mellow horns of the canal boatmen, in the good old times,
when you might have travelled many miles up this valley in the pleasant
autumn without meeting a single man. Peace and real comfort filled the
land in those days, and such sounds as the railroad whistle and the
beating of the drum were unknown.
The drum! That makes me think of the drummer boy who perished in these
waters more than a hundred years ago. It is an old tradition, and a sad
one too; and now that my steps are getting feeble and slow, I cannot
well drive it from my mind, as I could in former years. It was in the
time of one of the Indian wars, and a band of British infantry, on their
way from the Old Dominion to the regions of the great lakes, chanced to
cross the Potomac at this point. They crossed in a bateau, and although
the first of them stepped into the boat, to the music of the drum,
before the last of them were ferried over, an accident occurred, and the
favourite of the band, the drummer boy, with his drum about his neck,
was drowned, and for ever disappeared from human sight. The soldiers had
no more music, and their march through the interminable woods was
sorrowful indeed. They could not forget their happy little comrade, the
drummer boy; and since that time the valley of the Potomac has ever and
anon resounded with the music of the phantom drum. Old men tell me that
it was often heard in revolutionary times, and I know that I have heard
something like it in my own—yes, more than a hundred times. It was
often heard at midnight in the pauses of a thunderstorm, now mingling,
with the roar of waters in a spring flood, and again stealing softly
through the quiet summer or autumnal atmosphere. But what was very
strange, whenever that phantom drum was heard, the river was sure to
bring up from its depths the body of some man who had been drowned. It
was thought by many that the man who first heard the pealing of this
strange sound was sure to lose his life by drowning before the coming
morrow. I am not superstitious, but this may be something more than
fancy. I very well know that when I fell from a high rock into the upper
pool, or “spout,” of the Little Falls, I heard a mysterious sound, and
thought of the phantom drum. So, also, when once a floating tree upset
my boat, and plunged me into the hell of waters below the Falls. That
the ghost of the drowned drummer once haunted this place was believed by
many of the inhabitants of this part of Virginia, which has been long
known as Cooney; and there is a man still living who will take his oath
that the phantom once, on a moonlight night, climbed into his boat while
he was fishing, and that he sat there for a long time beating the air as
if performing a tattoo or reveille. The drumming of the spirit is said
to have been heard most frequently before the building of the Chesapeake
and Ohio Canal, when the river was navigated by boats which were taken
around the two Falls of the Potomac by short canals, built under the
direction of George Washington; and we all know that the number of
people drowned in the Potomac was greater then than it has been in later
years, except during the Rebellion. Under contending flags, alas!
drowned men and the discordant drum have lately been of far too frequent
occurrence in the valley of the Potomac. There was a time when these
fancies made me unhappy, but now they do not trouble me. I am growing
old, and though I might prefer to have my body laid under the green sod,
I should not be surprised, nor care, at any time to hear the wild music
of the phantom drum.
Other sounds besides that of the drum were heard in this valley in the
olden times. In the hollow, on the Virginia side, just below the Falls,
there was, until recent years, a great building with wheels. First it
was a flour-mill, then a woollen factory, afterwards a distillery, and
lastly a paper-mill. When the rebellion commenced, the walls of the
paper-mill were standing, but the troops made a target of them for their
cannon, and now you can hardly recognise the spot upon which they stood.
At this point, too, in former years there was a store, and of course a
tavern, and it was for many years the regular loafing-place for the
people of Cooney. Here a lot of the wild Cooneys could always be found,
cutting all kind of capers, ruining themselves and starving their
families by drink; and one of their pastimes, on Sunday afternoons, was
to fight with each other, like cats and dogs, simply for the wager of a
drink of rum or whisky. But those wretched people are all gone away for
ever. In the days which I now speak of, small cargoes of flour were
brought down the Potomac in keel-boats, and once in a while a man would
appear who preferred to run the Falls with his boat, instead of going
around by the canal. At the Great Falls above, this could never be done,
but here the feat was sometimes performed. Of one of these daring men,
named Cameron, it is said that he was thrown from his boat on the top of
the Spouting Rock, or middle landing, where he was compelled to remain
in a continuous rain for three days. During that time he could only be
fed by catching loaves of bread or pieces of meat which were thrown to
him from the southern shore. He was finally rescued by means of a boat
which was drawn up the rapid by long ropes from either side of the
river; and on the next day after his escape the water had risen at least
twenty feet above the top of Spouting Rock, and the ordinary width of
the river, of perhaps two hundred feet, was increased until the flood
was half a mile wide, and washed the high hills of the Maryland shore.
But nothing so convinces me of my declining years as the changes which
have taken place in my family, and among my acquaintances and friends.
The little boy who twenty-five years ago brought me my meals to the
riverside while dipping for shad, fishing for rock-fish, or grappling
for sturgeon, is now a great strong man, and the eldest of my ten
children. Of my old friends, many of them have wandered to unknown
parts, and many of them are dead. They came here oftentimes bleached by
the confinement of city life, and after spending a day with me at the
Falls, drinking in the pure air and enjoying the wild scenery and good
sport, they always went away happier and in better health than when they
came. Some of them had roamed much over the world, and it did me good to
hear them talk about the wonders they had seen. Among my departed
friends and patrons were some who were great men, or had names that were
known throughout the land.
Foremost among these was Daniel Webster. When Secretary of State, he
used to come here, always early in the morning, and accompanied by his
private secretary. He liked the fresh morning air as much as any man I
ever saw, and when he talked to me freely about fish and fishing, I
could believe that he had been in the business all his life. He was
always liberal, and where other men would give me one dollar for a
morning’s sport, he would give me ten. And for an old man, as he then
was, he was a good fisherman. I remember well the day that he caught his
biggest rock-fish. I had taken him in one of my boats to the “catting
rock,” and as he swung across the roaring waters, the great man clapped
his hand like a little child. The fish weighed sixteen pounds, and gave
him much trouble, and when I gaffed the prize, and we knew it was safe,
he dropped his rod in the bottom of the boat, jumped to his feet, and
gave a yell—a regular Indian yell—which might have been heard in
Georgetown. He came often, was always pleasant in his ways, generally on
the ground as early as five o’clock, and once he gave me as a reason for
winding up the sport at nine o’clock, that he was President Fillmore’s
clerk, and was obliged to be at the Department before noon. But his
fishing days are long since ended; and I have thought that if he had
lived at the time, we might have been spared the great Rebellion.
Another glorious old man who used to fish with me at the Falls was
General George Gibson. In his love of the sport he was ahead of many
other men, and I am told that in the army he was universally beloved. He
used light tackle, fancy hooks, and flies that were made in Europe, and
was always as kind and gentle as any man could be. He threw the fly with
great dexterity, and usually preferred to fish from the rocks with the
fly, and in the afternoon, when there was a shadow on the stream. He was
very fond of talking about old times, and there was no end to his
stories about the fish he had caught in every part of the land. His last
visit to the Falls was made a short time before his death, and I
remember well that he was so infirm and feeble from old age, that his
body-servant and myself were obliged to support him on his feet as he
threw the fly. He was lucky to the last; but he, too, is now sleeping in
the grave.
Governor George M. Bibb was another of my old friends. That man was
positively almost mad on the subject of fishing. He always fished with
bait in a boat, and was as patient as the day is long. He was
kind-hearted, genial, generous to a fault, a great talker, and had so
many harmless eccentricities, that he was wont to keep his fishing
companions in a continual roar of laughter. After an unlucky day, in his
perverseness he would sometimes spend the greater part of the night upon
the river, as if determined to turn the tide of luck in his favour. He
fished with me in those days when he was Secretary of the Treasury, and
also in those more unfortunate days when, for a bare support, he held a
subordinate position in the same department building, though paid by the
Attorney-General. Peace to the memory of Governor Bibb!
Many amusing stories are related of him, and I give you one of them. One
day, early in the morning, he planted himself on a certain wharf for a
quiet day of sporting. At noon a friend passed by and asked him about
his luck. “I hain’t had a bite,” replied the Governor; “the fish are
scarce.” At sundown another friend passed by, and seeing a handsome
yellow frog crouching by the side of the Governor, and evidently
enjoying the scenery, suddenly exclaimed, “What’s that?” “That,” replied
the Governor, with a look of horror, “is my bait, and the d—d thing has
been squatting there, I suppose, ever since nine o’clock this morning.”
Of my distinguished friends, now living, I may mention with pride and
pleasure the late British minister, John F. Crampton. He too was very
fond of sport, and ever proved himself to be a true and kind gentleman.
When he came here, he never allowed himself to go away disappointed, for
if the fish did not bite, he would take out his sketch-book and go to
work upon a picture of the Falls or of some curious rock. His fishing
companion invariably was the same good friend of mine who fished with
Daniel Webster, and who has now fished with me at the Little Falls for
twenty-four years; and whose eyes I yesterday saw glisten with delight
as he caught a ten-pound rock-fish.
Among those who have visited the Little Falls from curiosity, I must
mention the distinguished authoress, Frederika Bremer. Never can I
forget the excitement of the little lady. She clambered over the rocks,
plucking more flowers and plants than she could carry without
assistance; she ran about like a child, exclaiming at the grand bluffs
and the emerald water, and she questioned me as to my manner of life
until I became bewildered. I enjoyed her visit, however, and she was
happy, but I have thought that it was not exactly kind in her to speak
of me, in her book on America, as a wild giant of the wilderness.[2] On
that occasion she was accompanied by Doratha L. Dix, that other lady
who, as I am told, has won a great name for her unselfish life in the
cause of Christian philanthropy.
[2] The exact language she used, and which I copy from her book, is as
follows:—“I went one day with a handsome, young, new-married pair, and
Miss Dix, to the Little Falls on the Potomac, in a wild and picturesque
district. There dwells here, in great solitude, a kind of savage, with
seven fingers on each hand, and seven toes on each foot. He is a giant
in his bodily proportions, and lives here on fish; he is said to be
inoffensive when he is left at peace, but dangerous if excited. I can
believe it. He looked to me like one of those Startodder natures, half
human and half enchanter, which the old Scandinavian ages produced at
the wild falls of Trollhätta, and which the wildernesses of America seem
to produce still.”
* * * * *
_Note._—Good and honest Joseph Payne, the hero of this paper, had two
sons who were killed by accident, one by his gun, and the other while
working in a quarry; and he himself died at the Little Falls in January
1877, since which time, strange as it may seem, there has been but
little sport on the Potomac.
PHASES OF AMERICAN LIFE.
Having been somewhat of a wanderer throughout the length and breadth of
the United States, we propose to pass in review, as we have studied
them, the leading or more prominent classes which compose the American
nation of the present time. Subjects of this character, when treated in
a general manner, are well calculated to give the untravelled reader
comprehensive ideas of our huge Republic, and we cannot but hope that we
shall be able to submit a few particulars possessing interest for the
multitude.
Bowing our respects to the spirit of antiquity, we begin with the red
race, or native Indians. From the fact that these people are gradually
withering away before the march of civilisation, our chief interest in
them centres in their extent and geographical location. According to the
most authentic data, the number of Indians who, in this the year 1868,
theoretically recognise the President as their Great Father, is about
three hundred thousand. Of these, the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, and
Chickasaws, who occupy what is called the Creek country, on the
headwaters of the Arkansas, number some fifty-four thousand; and,
excepting four thousand of the Six Nations in New York, one thousand
Cherokees in North Carolina, six hundred Penobscots in Maine, and
perhaps forty-one thousand of various tribes still holding reservations
on the Great Lakes and the Upper Mississippi and Missouri rivers, they
are the only tribes that have made any satisfactory advances in
acquiring the arts and comforts of civilisation. It would thus appear
that the wild Indians who live entirely by the chase, and who inhabit
our territories, excluding Alaska, number two hundred thousand souls.
Although nominally obedient to the laws of the United States, these
hunting tribes are in reality as free to roam as if there were no
central government. But with those who are partially civilised the case
is quite different. In 1866 their wealth in individual property was
estimated at nearly three millions and three hundred thousand dollars,
while they supported sixty-four schools, sixty-one missionaries, and
farmed about seventy thousand acres of land; while the present
liabilities of the General Government to all the Indian tribes, under
treaty stipulations, amount to seven millions and two hundred thousand
dollars. The different names by which these tribes are known number no
less than one hundred and fifty, and their geographical condition is
co-extensive with the area of our territorial possessions.
On leaving the hunting-grounds of the red men for the haunts of
civilisation, our first stopping-place is at the cabin of a frontier
farmer.
But here, before entering, let us take a glance at the past, when the
condition of affairs was somewhat different from what it is at the
present time. In the first settling of the west, if a man, after
entering eighty acres of land, had only a single horse, he was
considered as one prepared to take a fair start in life. In a single
day, with the assistance of a few neighbours, he would erect a log cabin
from sixteen to twenty feet in size, and without a nail or pane of
glass, and on the following day move into the new house with his wife
and such traps as she might possess. Soon as he could obtain a few
sheep, his wife made all their winter clothing, and out of an acre of
flax all their summer apparel. When caught in bed by the rising sun he
was talked about as a lazy fellow. To get a little cash to pay his taxes
and purchase a bit of coffee and sugar once a year at the distant
“store,” he would hire himself out, for a few days, to some more
prosperous emigrant at the rate of forty cents for twelve hours of hard
work; but when his hogs and cattle began to multiply, this playing the
part of a hireling ceased to be necessary. In those days young men were
appreciated by the number of rails they could split and the quantity of
ground they could clear in a month; and when the buxom lasses went to
the house of some distant neighbour on Sunday, where there was to be
preaching, they would, on approaching the house, doff their brogans and
put on their nice calf-skin shoes, which had come all the way from New
York or Boston.
The frontier life of to-day is still rude, but there has been great
improvement. Though born and bred in a settled country, the spirit of
enterprise has tempted the man of to-day to purchase a few hundred acres
of land at the low Government price, which he is clearing away as
rapidly as possible, and in the midst of which he has fixed his home. It
is still built of logs, small, and poorly furnished, and, but for the
smoke issuing from its rustic chimney, could hardly be distinguished
from the stable or barn, where he shelters one or two horses, a yoke of
oxen, and two or three cows. Every girdled tree in the neighbouring
field has quivered under the blows of his sharp axe; the stump fence
which surrounds his incipient meadow or cornfield has been engineered
out of the black earth by his patience and skill; and the fallow-fires,
which fill the air with smoke and at night give the skies a lurid glow,
are ignited and kept burning by his hand. Hard work and rough fare are
the lot of this poor yeoman; but his mission as a man demands our
highest respect. He has a growing family about him, and in their welfare
are centred all his hopes. Though far removed from schools, and
churches, and the refinements of life, he plods on, year after year,
thankful that his boys are approaching man’s estate, and cheered with
the fair but perhaps remote prospect that, like many of his predecessors
in a new country, he will yet acquire a fortune and spend his old age in
a large _frame house_ and in peace. Five, ten, or it may be fifteen
miles from his cabin is another built on the same model, and whose owner
is a counterpart of himself. Farther on, still another log cabin comes
in view, and so on do they continue to appear until you have compassed
the entire frontiers of civilisation. Excepting the fond anticipations
which are cherished by this great brotherhood of stalwart pioneers, it
would seem as if to them the enjoyments of life were few and far
between; and yet, with good health, constant exercise, pure air, an
occasional hunt for the deer, the wild turkey, the wolf, or the bear,
and an abundance of plain but wholesome food, and with their happy
families about them, it would hardly be reasonable for them to complain.
The ancestors of these very men were among the first to gather around
the flag during the Revolutionary war; and they themselves, with their
brothers and sons, flocked by thousands to its rescue during the Great
Rebellion. As one of our poets has written, they are the “Spirit of our
land, personified,” and in history they will be long remembered with
honour and gratitude for what they are doing in making clear the pathway
of empire. But this allusion to log-cabin life impels us to a remark
upon the log-cabins themselves. Our recollections of these homes in the
wilderness are so numerous and so agreeable, that we would fain
celebrate them in a song. We have slept in them on the borders of New
Brunswick, Canada, and the Hudson Bay territories; have found them
occupied by some of the most worthy men we ever knew; and around the
magnificent fireplaces, which they all possess, with cords of wood
blazing away in unappreciated affluence, we have heard stories and
legends without number about the wild life and adventures of the
pioneers. And the part which these cabins perform in beautifying the
scenery of the frontiers is important, and not to be forgotten by those
who have seen them in their picturesque localities; here, capping the
summit of a gentle hill and overlooking a beautiful lake, and there,
nestled in the shadow of a primeval forest; at one time resting on a
pleasant mead, washed by the waters of a sweetly-singing river, and at
another commanding a broad prairie; in winter almost hidden from view by
the deep snow, and in summer enveloped in festoons of vines and flowers;
and at all times, in every quarter of the land, forming a simple but
cosy home for those who have not been maddened by the follies of
artificial life.
Under the head of Farm-life, we comprehend in this paper the great mass
of our population who live by tilling the soil and are established as
husbandmen, in all the Northern and Western States of the Union. By
virtue of their numbers and wealth they are that particular class of the
American people who constitute the vital element of our prosperity. The
figures are indubitable; before the commencement of the late Rebellion
they cultivated not less than one million and two hundred and sixty-six
thousand farms, and not far from ninety millions of acres of land. Even
in circumscribed New England, we ourselves have been driven over a
grazing farm (by the late Hon. Ezra Meech, of Vermont), where three
thousand sheep and a thousand cattle were cropping their morning repast;
and we have but to recall the names of the Illinois farmers, Straum and
Funk, to have our belief again staggered by their exploits in sending
countless herds of cattle to market, and in cultivating corn and wheat
fields that seem to have been bounded only by the sky. To be a little
more particular, we might state that the farm of Isaak Funk contained
nearly forty thousand acres, with one pasture field of eight thousand
acres; and in 1862 he sent cattle to New York valued at $70,000, while
his home stock was estimated at $1,000,000. His chief production was
corn, all of which was consumed on his own farm, while his style of
living was noted for its simplicity. In 1867, the most extensive farmer
in Illinois, or in the whole country, was Eugene Haywood, who cultivated
fifty thousand acres. The salient features of the farm life under
consideration are as follows: In nineteen cases out of twenty the
proprietor joins his hired men in the work to be done, whether it be in
holding the plough and casting the seed, or in driving the machinery
employed; they all partake alike of the same food, and occupy the same
platform as citizens; free access to schools and churches is enjoyed by
all, without any regard to family or fortune; and the man who is working
to-day as a hired hand, knows full well that if he continues to be true
to himself and his opportunities, he will yet be respected as a
proprietor. The houses which our farmers occupy are comfortable and
home-like; by means of newspapers and books they keep up with the spirit
of the age in matters intellectual; and, though generally disinclined to
participate in the partisan squabbles of the day, they are by no means
indifferent to the welfare of the country, are frequently called upon to
fill local offices, and when they do condescend to occupy seats in
Congress, it is oftentimes their good sense which succeeds in thwarting
the schemes of the demagogues. Indeed, if we had more of our solid
farmers in Congress, and a greater scarcity of third-class lawyers and
trading politicians, the country would not be in an everlasting uproar
about suffrage, and tariffs, and questions of finance.
But if we desire to obtain a complete idea of the yeomanry of our land,
we must take a glance at the plantation life of the Southern States.
Before the Rebellion, the number of plantations under cultivation was
estimated at about seven hundred and sixty-five thousand, and equal to
nearly seventy-five millions of acres. As to the cotton, sugar, wheat,
corn, and livestock which were produced upon them, they can only be
fully appreciated by consulting the publications of the census office.
The stupendous change that has taken place among the Southern people
since the emancipation of the slaves, renders it difficult to describe
their present condition. Before the war, the planter was the owner not
only of broad acres almost without number, but also of from ten to two
thousand menials, whom he fed and clothed for his exclusive profit, and
who, for the most part, did his bidding without a murmur or a thought
beyond the passing hour. He lived at his ease among books and in the
dispensation of a liberal hospitality, leaving all the labour on his
plantation to the direction of an overseer, who spent the most of his
time on horseback, issuing his orders to the working men and women, and
watching the general progress of affairs. According to his wealth the
planter lived in a house or an elegant mansion, while his slaves were
always domiciled in rude but comfortable cabins. But since the
conclusion of the war, a very different condition of things has been
inaugurated in the South. The planter still retains his broad acres, but
slavery has disappeared into thin air. A large proportion of those who
worked for him as slaves may yet remain upon his plantation, but they
are always hired by the month or year, and though free to come and go,
they now find it indispensable to work before they can be fed or
clothed. On many estates indeed, as we happen to know, the changes have
not been so great as one would have imagined, for where the planters
have hitherto been kind-hearted and just in their dealings with the
slaves, they have had but little trouble in retaining their services and
goodwill. Whatever may be the present financial condition of the
Southern planters, it is quite evident that their immediate future as
citizens of the Republic is anything but cheerful, for they know not,
practically speaking, what will be on the morrow; and as to the black
race, in their delight with the idea of freedom, they seem well content
to exchange their Christmas and other holiday fandangos for a pow-wow at
the polls, the term master for that of boss, and a larder well supplied
with “hog, hominy, and molasses,” which were formerly given them without
money, for the same commodities now purchased with their individual
earnings. That there is much destitution and deplorable suffering
throughout the Southern States at the present time cannot be denied, and
if the wisest prophet cannot tell us when peace, prosperity, and
contentment will take the place of the existing chaos, we cannot but
hope that this result will not be long delayed, and that many of our
oldest citizens will yet witness the triumph of well-directed labour and
the true spirit of Christianity from the Potomac to the Rio Grande.
In taking a survey of what we may call the foreign phase of American
life, we naturally recur to the figures of the census of 1860. The first
fact which rivets our attention is this:—That while the slave and free
coloured population of the country amounted to 4,441,830, the
foreign-born numbered 4,136,175, leaving the native-born at 18,911,556,
the three classes forming the grand total of 27,489,561, and which,
according to the latest estimates, has reached the number of 33,000,000.
The various countries which have volunteered, through their people, to
join hands with the Anglo-Saxon race in building up the leading Republic
of the world, and the extent of their co-operation, may be stated as
follows:—Ireland, 1,611,304; German States, 1,301,136; England,
431,692; British America, 249,970; France, 109,870; Scotland, 108,518;
Norway, 43,995; Switzerland, 53,327; China, 35,565; Mexico, 27,466;
Sweden, 18,625; Italy, 10,518; Denmark, 9962; Belgium, 9072; Poland,
7298; Spain, 4244; Portugal, 4116; South America, 3263; Asia, 1231; and
Africa, 526, with an unimportant balance from various other regions of
the globe. That the people representing the above nationalities have
become identified to some extent with every part of the Union, need not
be asserted, but the largest number of foreigners reside in the
following States, named in the order of precedence, to wit: New York,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Massachusetts. Those
engaged in mercantile or mechanical pursuits have generally flocked to
the cities and larger towns, both in the East and West, and the farmers
have settled upon the fertile lands of the Western States;—and while
the former live and labour, very much as they did in their native lands,
the latter have, to a great extent, adopted the implements of the
American farmers, and are consequently becoming more completely
amalgamated with the native race in the rural customs.
Another phase of industrial life in which the universal public feel an
interest is that of mining, and we confess that a careful study of the
subject has upset many of our former notions. The number of men engaged
in all kinds of mining throughout the country is 147,750, but those
engaged in the five leading products is 93,522; of these, 44,316 are
gold and silver hunters, 36,486 are engaged in digging out coal, 5153
engaged in copper mines, 3206 in the iron mines, and 361 in the lead
mines; while California gives us nearly all the gold we receive, and
Nevada all the silver, Pennsylvania takes the lead in coal and iron, and
Michigan has it all her own way in the copper line. Of the total number
of miners in the country, more than one-half of them are said to be
foreigners by birth, the Irish and English predominating in
Pennsylvania, and the Chinese in California; and as they are for the
most part cosmopolites or wanderers over the face of the earth, we
cannot chronicle the fact that their enjoyment of the good things of
life is anything to be especially envied. And yet the recent mineral
developments in our vast territories are already greatly increasing the
number of miners in the country.
And here, as we have, without intending it, got ourselves involved in a
maze of figures, we propose to work out of it, by giving the numbers in
regard to other phases of American life, where the population exceeds
twenty thousand, viz.: Of apprentices there are 55,326; blacksmiths,
112,357; boatmen, 23,816; butchers, 30,103; cabinetmakers, 29,223;
carpenters, 242,958; carters, 21,640; engineers, 27,437; clergymen,
37,529; clerks, 184,485; coopers, 43,624; factory hands, 87,289; farmers
and farm-labourers, 3,219,574; fishermen, 21,905; gardeners and
nurserymen, 21,323; grocers, 40,070; innkeepers, 25,818; lawyers,
33,193; machinists, 43,824; mantua-makers, 35,165; mariners, 67,360;
masons, 48,925; mechanics, 23,492; merchants, 123,378; millers, 37,281;
milliners, 25,772; public civil officers, 24,693; painters, 51,695;
physicians, 54,543; planters, 85,561; printers, 23,106; railroad men,
36,567; seamstresses, 90,198; shoemakers, 164,608; students, 40,993;
tailors and tailoresses, 101,868; teachers, 110,469; teamsters, 34,824;
tobacconists, 21,413; weavers, 36,178; and wheel-wrights, 32,693. Such
was the condition of affairs just before the late Rebellion: and,
without being too precise, it is quite certain that the people who
entered the two armies from every department of active life, and
perished during the war, have already been more than replaced by the
immigration from foreign countries. The social condition and manner of
life of the great multitudes above mentioned are so familiar, that it is
not necessary to descant upon them; and whatever may be their various
peculiarities, it is a source of gratification to every lover of
humanity to know that they are all free, proud of their American
citizenship, and as truly happy as any other nation upon earth.
There are two varieties of American life which, because of their
poetical associations, we must not fail to specify. The first is that
led by the dwellers along the sea-coasts of New England. Their small
white cottages look down upon the Atlantic from every headland, lie
nestled among all the rocky bluffs, and stand exposed to the glare of
the sky on all the sandy reaches from the Hudson river to the St. Croix.
Obtaining their living chiefly from the sea, they cultivate just enough
land to give them the vegetables they need; and while the men toss about
upon the waters in their boats and vessels, the women remain at home,
busy with their sewing-machines, while the children flock off in various
directions to the district schools. Though living remote from the larger
towns and the great highways of travel, these people have perpetually
the companionship of the sea and the sky, and on that score are only to
be envied. It is along these coasts, moreover, that we find that hardy
race of mariners, who, when their country calls, fly to the rescue of
the flag, and do their best to protect the nation’s renown. But for
unadulterated peace, we must resort to the small and out-of-the-way
villages of our great land. To the man who is not wildly mad on the
subject of politics and money, they are among the most delightful spots
to be found by the tourist, or the lover of a quiet country life. The
only trouble is, that under the trampling of the fiery locomotive, they
are daily disappearing from the face of the earth. A few of them are yet
to be found in New England, on Long Island, and in other parts of New
York, where the village green may still be seen, surrounded with
graceful elms and rustic homes and meeting-houses, and the old-fashioned
tavern, where the population is composed of old men and old
women—fathers and mothers in Israel—whose children have grown up and
married and settled in far-off places of excitement and business and
turmoil. But alas! The spirit of mammon is riding rampant over the whole
land, and it will not be long before a rural American village, cousin to
those which have been so charmingly described by Mary Mitford, will only
be mentioned by the historical writer or antiquarian.
And now for a few reflections on the leading representative cities of
the Republic, beginning with Boston. Its Revolutionary history we always
recall with pride; so also do we remember its golden age of commerce;
and as the patron of brilliant men in statesmanship and literature, its
fame will be perennial. Springing as it did from the loins of
Puritanism, it has been true to its lineage, and successful in
impressing its characteristics upon the whole of New England, including
the cities of Worcester, Providence, Hartford, and New Haven. It is a
pleasant place to arrive at, and by a lively stranger may be fully
“_done_” in about two days, when, unless he happen to have had a taste
of its cultivated society, he will be quite willing to continue the
journey of life. On taking his seat in the railway train, he will begin
to ponder upon what he has seen and heard, and will find the following
ideas impressed upon his mind, viz.: That the charitable and learned
institutions of Boston are a credit to its citizens; that nature has
been kind to it, and made it a city of the sea; that its libraries,
book-stores, and newspapers, are highly respectable; that the State
House and Bunker Hill will never be forgotten; that the Common is an
indispensable luxury in such a jammed-up city; that Choate and Webster,
the Adamses and Hancock, were old fogies, and not to be mentioned with
the John Browns of the present time; that the sculpture-rooms of the
Athenæum are in keeping with the prevailing taste in art, very
classical, but decidedly feeble; that, if _Belshazzar’s Feast_ was the
best thing Allston could produce after twenty years’ labour, he was a
most diabolical painter, which is not our opinion; that its streets are
clean; houses comfortable; women intelligent and _cute_; business men
solid, but rather slow; hack-drivers respectable; and that it contains a
great many people, snobs, in early manhood, who, if they dared to be so
disloyal, would be glad to declare themselves a colony of England. In
this connection we must of course allude to New York, but the place is
so huge, and is so complete an epitome of the world at large, that it
cannot be characterised in a single paragraph. I knew the place, as a
citizen, for many years, and nothing less than a volume would suffice
for a just account of its Dutch aristocracy, wonderful commercial
enterprise, the magnificence of its leading men, its artistic, literary,
and scientific institutions, and of all those qualities which it has
implanted upon its daughter cities,—Buffalo, Detroit, and Chicago. It
took a highly honourable part in the great events of our earlier
history, and as the commercial metropolis of our country, will long
continue to compare favourably with the leading cities of the Old World.
Next comes Philadelphia, the demure city of Friends! It ranks next to
New York in population, but in its business traffic is excelled by
Boston. Its people are not ambitious of display, excepting in the Quaker
line, but they are to be depended upon; though not unmindful of their
creditable position in history, they are not given to foolish boasting;
they read good books and enjoy the fine arts; they dress in better taste
than their intimate friends of Gotham; and as a city of quiet and
pleasant homes, we suppose that Philadelphia is without a superior
anywhere. If not pre-eminently influential as a commercial city, it has
certainly accomplished much in making Pittsburgh what it is, and has
borne its part with New England in making Cincinnati the Queen city of
the west. And what of Baltimore! It has a brilliant reputation, and yet,
from the day that the Catholics gave it a name, down to the present
hour, it seems to have been engaged in a perpetual struggle with an
opposing destiny; now thwarted by the rivalry of Philadelphia, anon made
the victim of mob violence, and capping the climax of its misfortunes by
spilling some of the first blood of the Rebellion. While ever famous for
its brave men and beautiful women, accomplished scholars and citizens of
rare culture and refinement, it has not succeeded in keeping pace with
that spirit of enterprise which seems to have actuated the American
people. Passing further south along the Atlantic coast we come to the
cavalier city of Charleston. The sunshine of a pure and noble patriotism
rests upon its early history; there was a time when it received the
willing tribute of many charming towns, and commanded the respect of the
entire nation; but it had an insane passion for fire and the sword, and
it now lies prostrate in ashes and dust, from which, in its old
character, it can never arise. To expatiate upon the phases of life now
prevailing there, would hardly be amusing or profitable. In this summary
of the mother cities of the nation, I must not forget New Orleans. As
the guardian of the matchless Mississippi it stands alone, and deserves
its world-wide fame. From time immemorial it has been in a constant
struggle either with war or pestilence; but so great have been its
advantages as a shipping depôt, it has ever maintained a high character,
and is destined, undoubtedly, in spite of its recent misfortunes, to
attain a position of still greater magnitude in the commercial world. It
was here that the French race made their most successful stand within
the limits of the United States, and where the gaiety of the Creole
population has held perpetual sway over the city. Whatever may be the
ultimate fate and character of New Orleans and its ally, or offspring,
St. Louis, we can never ignore their earlier and highly romantic
history. While the parent cities, with their celebrated colonies already
mentioned, form a noble array, the children possessing all the
characteristics of their parents, it must not be supposed that we are
unmindful of the associations which cluster around such places as Mobile
and Savannah, Raleigh, Richmond, Nashville, and Louisville, Indianapolis
and Milwaukee, Rochester, Albany, Portland, Newark, and a host of other
towns in the west and north, each one of which, as we know by personal
observation, has its peculiar character and interesting phases of social
life. There is one other city that we must mention, however, with more
minuteness, and that is the National Metropolis. With this spot local
pride has but little to do, for it is the petted child of the whole
nation, and some might say, the spoiled child also. There are yet a few
of the old landmarks of society remaining, and while it would afford us
pleasure to give an account of the good times when statesmen instead of
demagogues, and men of culture and position instead of adventurers, gave
tone to society here, we think it best to describe the phases of life
which have latterly prevailed, and now prevail, in Washington. And first
as to the resident population. They are a people without Government, or
rather, who are denied the privilege of being heard by a representative
or delegate in Congress. It cannot be said, indeed, that they have no
legislators to look after their interests—the trouble is, they have too
many. Since 1800 they have had several thousand, “all, all honourable
men.” As the residents of Washington do not possess any political
rights, it might be supposed that they feel no special interest in the
success of parties, and yet more bitter partisans are not to be found
anywhere in the north or south. And there is something equally
contradictory also in their estimation of public characters. For the
reason that they have many opportunities to see our really great public
men, they are seldom awed by such spectacles, and of course estimate the
“ordinary run” of Congressmen and other public servants at their real
value; at the same time, if they happen to find it desirable to obtain
any favours from their legislative or executive rulers, they bend the
knee quite as humbly as their brethren from the rural districts.
Politically speaking, their condition is not to be envied. But is there
any good reason why they should be the victims to every species of
tyranny, to which the citizens of the States and Territories are not
subjected, and that they should be pointed at as the men who have no
vote, and are only Washingtonians? It is true that the people who reside
in our Territories have no voice in electing the President, but they all
live in the hope of soon enjoying that privilege; but not so with the
citizens of the metropolis. As individuals, they are not without the
vital principle of life; but they are a soulless corporation of “purest
ray serene.”
From the necessarily meek but generally solid proprietors of the soil of
Washington, outside of the Government possessions, it is natural that we
should turn to their chief tenants, the Executive dignitaries and the
Justices of the Supreme Court. As the tenure of office of the former
seldom exceeds four years, they have, in spite of themselves, a
particularly lively time of it, during their whole term, spending their
days in dealing out patronage, and their nights in giving and attending
receptions; and as their families take the lead in fashion, and all
American citizens, both “coloured and plain,” have an inalienable right
to be fashionable, and as exclusiveness in the President and his
ministers would not be tolerated, there is no end to the so called
enjoyments of high life. If a minister is rich and liberal, he becomes,
for the time being, the biggest man on the carpet, in spite of his
politics; if a poor man, dependent only upon his salary of eight
thousand dollars, the fact of his having to occupy a large house and to
entertain the beloved people, sends him into retirement, when his time
comes, a poorer man than before. From the highest to the lowest in
position, they all have to pay very dear for blowing the whistle of
public life in Washington. With the honourable judges the case is
different. They are in office for life, receive an income of six
thousand dollars, and can afford to do as they please, and they
generally please to live the quiet lives of cultivated gentlemen. They
go into society when the spirit moves them, are not disinclined to
partake of a good private dinner with their friends, a foreign envoy, or
a cabinet minister, and perhaps the greatest of their blessings is, that
they are not compelled to amuse the fashionable circles, nor curry
favour with the multitude. For the man of culture and of quiet habits, a
seat on the Supreme Bench is undoubtedly the most enjoyable position
known to the Constitution.
The next layer of Washington society to which we would allude, is made
up of the heads of bureaus and the officers of the army and navy, the
pay of the former ranging from three to five thousand dollars per annum.
They are the men who more immediately manage the machinery of
Government, and upon whom, to a very great extent, depends the success
of all the public measures enacted by Congress. Though reasonably well
paid, they cannot afford to live in style, and it is to their credit
that their desires do not generally tend that way; in a majority of
instances the civil officers are appointed on their real merits, and
occasionally we find the head of a bureau who has risen to his present
position from that of a subordinate; and as to the regular army and navy
officers, they are in Washington what we find them everywhere, highly
intelligent, prompt in performing duty, proud of the grand old flag, and
fond of having a good time, when wind and tide are favourable. After the
above come the clerks of Washington, or, as they are more elegantly
styled, the employés of the Government. They are more numerous than any
other class, and are in reality the working population of the city.
Among them you will find men from every State of the Union, and from
every clime; men of no particular mark, who have lost fortunes; ripe
scholars, who have been rudely buffeted by the world; men of capacity,
who can teach their superiors in office; rare penmen and commonplace
accountants; and a sisterhood, composed chiefly of respectable widows
and orphans, who have been compelled to seek relief from the pinchings
of poverty, under the wings of the Government. The compensation which
they receive ranges from nine hundred to twenty-five hundred dollars per
annum, and while it is true that many receive more than they really
earn, many of the most faithful and deserving cannot, with their
families, live in any degree of comfort upon what they receive. While
you may, here and there, find an individual who has grown grey in the
service, and is looked upon as an oracle in Government matters, the
great majority are in reality a kind of floating population. All alike
are the creatures, as well as the victims, of political or personal
influence. There is not in Washington a respectable reading-room, nor a
single good library to which they can have access; even the
Congressional library, which belongs to the nation, they can only look
upon as did the cat upon the king. They place their noses upon the
grindstone immediately after bolting an early breakfast, and if they can
take them off before dark, they deem themselves lucky. The sensible men
among them have a contempt for politics, while the foolish make
themselves contemptible by becoming partisans. Like the ravens, they do
indeed manage to obtain their bread, and the one magnificent privilege
which the men enjoy who have not relinquished their citizenship, is to
go home and vote for a governor or a candidate for Congress. While it is
true that a large majority of the clerks in Washington are content to
remain all their days in their present position, it is due to the more
ambitious and enterprising among them to say, that they have aspirations
for a wider and more influential sphere of life. Many instances might be
mentioned where clerks have left the Government service and become
distinguished at the bar and as merchants; and we know of some who are
to-day spending all their leisure time in preparing themselves for the
learned professions, in which they are certain to succeed. These
subordinate positions are well enough, and perhaps desirable for those
who use them as a means to an end, but poor affairs when considered, as
is too often the case, the chief end of man in matters terrestrial.
And now, with a few remarks about the brotherhood known as Congressmen,
we will conclude this screed on the phases of American life. Coming, as
they do, from all parts of the country, and representing every variety
of population, it is quite as impossible to describe them collectively
as it would be to speak of their individual characteristics. Really
great men—far-seeing statesmen and brilliant orators—are few and far
between; and there are more upstarts than there ought to be among the
law-makers of the country; and yet a large majority, we would fain
believe, are like the people whom they represent, sound at heart and in
mind, and truly patriotic. If some of them deliver essays prepared by
competent reporters, and call them speeches, we can only commend them
for their sagacity; when some of them preach economy in public affairs,
and at the same time look to it that nearly all their male kindred are
supported by the Government, we cannot question their exalted integrity;
when we hear some of them periodically quoting Scripture, and
expatiating upon all the virtues, and know that their lives are
profligate, we cannot but place implicit confidence in their
professions; and when we see a man who has been repudiated by his
constituents, begging for a petty office, or turning himself into a
claim-agent in Washington—or perhaps taking up his residence in a State
far distant from his own—his former outflowings of patriotic eloquence
on the floor of Congress become a source of amusement. But the many must
not be judged by the follies and delinquencies of the few; and as the
duties and responsibilities of public men vary with the times in which
they live, it is next to impossible for any one to make a just
comparison between the present and the past. The ratio of good and bad
men has been about the same in all former Congresses; and as we are all
human beings and Americans, it is not likely that there will be any very
material changes in the future. And yet there was much pith in the reply
of the school-girl who, when asked by her teacher how “Congress” was
divided, said, “Civilised, half-civilised, and savage.” The number of
men who have hitherto served their country as senators, representatives,
and delegates, since the adoption of the Constitution, and including the
Fortieth Congress, is between four and five thousand; of these, the
majority have been bred to the law; while the party names which have
hitherto been recognised on the floor of Congress are as follows, viz.:
Federalists and Democrats, Whigs and Locofocos, Freesoilers,
Abolitionists and Fire-eaters, Republicans, Copperheads, Native
Americans, Radicals, and Secessionists, forming in the aggregate a
conglomeration of political ideas quite in keeping with the wild and
free spirit of the Universal Yankee Nation.
SWORD-FISH FISHING.
It was the smack “Neptune,” of New London, Captain John Blue, and we
were bound after sword-fish. The 10th of July 1864 had arrived, and a
school of these ocean wanderers had been seen some seventy miles off
Block Island. To that region we hastened, spent ten days hunting over
the blue sea, and returned home with twenty-one fish, yielding the
skipper and his two men a net profit of five hundred dollars.
As game fish, the salmon and the striped bass must look to their
laurels; for in these warlike times the sword-fish may chance to
supersede them in gaining the affections of the more daring
sportsmen,—although my own fidelity must never be questioned on that
score. Fifteen years ago this fish was not captured for its edible
qualities; to-day it is popular all along the New England coast as an
article of food, and commands a high price, while in New York it is a
drug, and hardly recognised as fit food for man. A full-grown specimen
commonly measures from ten to twelve feet in length, and weighs from
three to five hundred pounds. When fresh, a choice cut from the belly is
really enjoyable, but when salted for winter use, they are deemed by
their captors as unsurpassed by the blue-fish or mackerel. They
generally swim in schools, near the surface of the water, and from their
habit of leaping high out of the water, seem to be proud of their
graceful appearance. The bony snout or weapon which has given them their
name, is a most formidable affair, and has frequently been known to sink
the smaller boats of the fishermen, and even to have penetrated the
solid hull of a ship. This instrument naturally renders them a terror to
every creature that swims the sea, but it is not known that they
systematically make war upon any other creature than the whale. That
unwieldly monster they frequently assault, and with such ferocity as
often to cover the surrounding waters with blood; and when assisted, as
they sometimes are, by the “thrasher,” a kind of savage shark, they
cause the whale, in his agony, to bellow like a wounded bull. It is not
thought by the old fishermen that these conflicts are the result of
hunger on the part of the sword-fish, but are indulged in merely for
amusement. The attacking party seldom or never gives his foe any
quarter, and in this respect they bear a striking resemblance to the
leaders of our great heartrending civil war. Generally speaking, the
sword-fish makes his first appearance in the blue waters off Montauk,
but as the season advances they pass to the eastward, and are followed
by the fishermen even to the coast of Nova Scotia.
But the manner of capturing the sword-fish is in keeping with his novel
character. The smacks which go after them, of which there are eight or
ten registered in New London, are fitted out for this business
exclusively, and never engage in any other unless compelled to do so by
unforeseen circumstances. At the extreme end of the bowsprit and at the
mast-head of each of these vessels is fixed a kind of corded or iron
chair, in the first of which the man with the harpoon is stationed,
while the second is occupied by the watchman. The harpoon or lily-spear,
as it is called, is attached to a coil of smallish rope, the opposite
extremity of which is fastened to a large keg or barrel, made
water-tight, so as to answer the purpose of a buoy. When the fish seem
to be abundant, some half-dozen of these affairs are rigged for
immediate service. When all things are ready, the vessel is carefully
guided to the spot where the fish are seen, and the moment one of them
is fairly struck by the expert harpooner, the coil of rope and the buoy
are thrown overboard, and the fish enters upon the lofty tumbling and
the fearfully rapid paces which terminate only with his death.
Sometimes, in the course of an hour, five or six fish may be effectually
harpooned, and as many buoys be bobbing up and down the waves of the
sea, causing an excitement among the fishermen which hardly has a
parallel among the craft. In the meantime, perhaps, the guest of the
expedition has had a fish harpooned for his own individual benefit, and
with the line secured to the mast, may be doing all he can to play and
drown him, “standing from under” when the more desperate rushes of the
wounded fish are made. When the fish are dead, they are towed to the
side of the vessel, and by means of pulley and tackle are hauled upon
the deck, and when the vessel again resumes her course, they are cleaned
and packed away in a bed of ice in the hold of the smack, and for a time
the fishermen rest from their labours. The sword-fish is said to abound
in the Brazilian, Northern, and Indian Seas, and in the Mediterranean,
and, according to Strabo, the ancients hunted them with the harpoon as
the moderns; and the superstitious Sicilians, while pursuing this fish,
are wont to sing a wild and incoherent chant which they imagine secures
success.
Thus much concerning the practical part of sword-fish fishing. It is
immensely more interesting than halibut fishing, as that fish is taken
with bait and in deep water; and it is only equalled by that wild and
dangerous sport which was once practised in the waters of South Carolina
by the late William Elliot while hunting the devil-fish. As is the case
with every kind of fishing, the manifold charms associated with the
capture of the sword-fish are what give the sport its chief zest. Not
the least of the attractions is the appetite, born of hard exercise and
bracing air, which makes the coarse fare of the sailor a real luxury.
But when you recall the wayward wanderings of your little vessel far out
on the blue and lonely ocean, the wild and stormy nights, the heavy
fogs, forcing the sea to wear a placid aspect, the thousand and one
wonders of the deep which constantly cross your pathway, the spectral
moonlights, the glorious sunrises, the moan of the sea during the long
leaden twilights, and the romantic stories of the mariners—all these
things, in their reality, make a deep impression upon the mind, and are
ever remembered with pleasure.
One of the favourite haunts of the sword-fish is in the vicinity of
Noman’s Land, and as I have visited this romantic spot, perhaps the
curiosity of some of my readers will be gratified by a brief
description. It is an island which lies directly south of the Gay Head
lighthouse on Martha’s Vineyard, and distant therefrom something less
than ten miles. It is oblong in shape, has a small bay on its western
side, and contains about one hundred acres of land; its soil is good and
well cultivated; it attains an elevation in some places of thirty feet;
and while its shores are generally sandy, there are one or two points
where rocks abound. In approaching it the stranger would naturally
imagine it to be quite populous, but the permanent habitations are only
two, while the western shore is literally lined by small cabins which
are occupied at times by the fishermen, who visit the island in great
numbers, but not to the extent that they did in former years. Indeed,
from time immemorial Noman’s Land has been a kind of stopping-place, or
half-way house, for all the smack fishermen who do business in that
portion of the Atlantic. It was first visited by Gosnold in May 1602,
and was at first called Martha’s Vineyard, which name, however, was soon
transferred to its larger neighbour.
From all that I have been able to learn, its original proprietor was a
woman, whose descendants are now the lords of the manor; but whether the
title is legitimate or rests on the doctrine of squatter-sovereignty, I
cannot tell. In her way this woman is said to have been a decided
original. Forty years ago, when in her prime, she had the chief
management of the island, and nothing of consequence is remembered of
her husband. She habitually wore a beard, shaved her chin and cheeks
occasionally, after the manner of men, was noted for her prowess as a
bass-fisherwoman with the squid, could row and land a boat in the surf
as well as any sailor, and always spoke of the sailors who visited her
home as “her darling boys.” She kept a large flock of sheep upon the
island, from whose wool, with the assistance of several female friends,
they manufactured coarse socks and a kind of Guernsey shirts, for which
she found a ready market among the seafaring men who visited her domain.
She was a good housekeeper and cook, and delectable were the chowders
which she prepared for her guests. She kept a few cows at one time, but
as the island was not happy in the beams of the constellation _Taurus_,
her dairy operations were not of long duration. Where she was born, or
where she had lived before becoming a feminine Juan Fernandez, are facts
involved in mystery even to this day, and she is said to have died
somewhere about the year 1840. By the sailors she was everywhere known,
and is now remembered as “Aunt Nomy,” but her real name was _Noman
Luce_, and from the fact of her proprietorship the island naturally took
its present name.
I have been told that this is the identical island the poet Longfellow
had in his mind when he wrote the admirable poem called “The Wreck of
the Hesperus,” but I have it in my power, on the highest authority, to
dispel this story: his Norman’s Woe is near Cape Ann. Between Gay Head
and Noman’s Land there is a dangerous cluster of sunken rocks, which
might well have been the veritable “Reef of Norman’s woe,” which caused
the destruction of the poet’s ship. But if we cannot identify the first
of American poets with this romantic island, we can certainly record the
fact that Noman Luce firmly believed in the periodical appearance of a
spectral fire-ship, which she was wont to allege she had often seen on
stormy autumn nights from the window of her ocean home.
Though mariners of every grade are wont to spend a day, or a few hours,
upon this island, the men who chiefly resort thither are the cod,
halibut, and sword fishermen. In the deep waters all around, those fish
have their favourite haunts, where they have been captured for at least
half a century; and as to the striped bass fishing, at certain seasons
of the year, the entire shores of Noman’s Land are said to be
marvellously prolific in that highly esteemed fish, which are taken
chiefly with the squid and eel-skin. Ignoring the commonplace facts
connected with Noman’s Land, there is something impressive and romantic
in thinking upon the _life_, so to speak, of this island in the lonely
sea. How must the cold winds of winter sweep over this treeless fragment
of mother earth!
What an appropriate place must this be for the dreadful revelries of the
storm king! And how must the poor forsaken island tremble at times under
the rough trampling of the surf! The great ships which pass and re-pass
across its horizon, going from clime to clime, convey no tidings of the
little isle, but stalwart fishermen without number look upon it as a
kind of home, and old Ocean keeps it for ever in his loving embrace. The
din of party strife, the song of mammon, and the wail of the dying on a
hundred battlefields, coming from the great world of human life, do not
disturb the serenity of the place; and were it not for the ties which
bind us to the continent, and the duties which we owe to society and our
fellow-men, there are few, in a time like the present, who would not be
content to spend their days on this beautiful but lonely island. As was
the case with Landor in the desert, so at Noman’s Land—
“Man is distant, but God is near.”
NEWFOUNDLAND.
During one of my piscatorial expeditions to Northern New Brunswick, I
had the pleasure of throwing the fly, for several days, in company with
a highly intelligent gentleman from Newfoundland—a native of that
famous island. When not talking about the splendid salmon we were now
and then capturing, I devoted myself to asking questions, and the
substance of the replies I received, together with a few historical
facts, I propose to embody in this paper.
The original name of Newfoundland was Baccalaos, an Indian word meaning
_cod-fish_. It was discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, and
by them named Primavista, or _first-seen land_, and hence its present
Anglicised name. It was first colonised by masters of fishing vessels in
1502; the Portuguese took the lead, and after them came the Biscayans
and French; and in 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert took possession of it in
the name of Queen Elizabeth. But the deed thus performed was paid for by
the loss of two ships and nearly two hundred men, among whom was the
Admiral himself, whose dying words, addressed to his sailors, were as
follows: “Courage, lads; we are as near heaven at sea as we are on
land.” The second attempt to plant a colony there was made by Sir George
Calvert, afterwards Lord Baltimore, in 1622; and when he abandoned it
for a more congenial clime, it contained three hundred and fifty
families. It was in 1635 that Charles I. granted the French permission
to cure and dry fish on the shores of Newfoundland, and the British
fishery was first encouraged by all exemption from tax or toll in 1663.
From that year until 1728, when the first Governor was appointed, there
was no such thing as law or order on the island, owing to the constant
animosity existing between the settlers and the merchant adventurers;
and its subsequent history only proves that it was looked upon by
England merely as a nursery for hardy seamen, and its manifold natural
resources have been almost wholly neglected. The first surveys of the
island were made by the noted navigator Captain Cook, since which period
he has always been especially appreciated by the inhabitants. But the
chief interest of Newfoundland lies in its physical aspect. Its average
length may be roughly stated at 350 miles, and its breadth at 200 miles,
although at one point it is nearly 300 miles wide. Its area has been
estimated at about 36,000 square miles. The interior of the island has
been explored only to a limited extent, and many of the roads, so
called, are mere Indian trails or paths worn by the wild animals. It
abounds in rivers and lakes of moderate size, and the surface of the
country is about equally divided between high hills or mountains, and
low level land, some of the former attaining an elevation of 1200 feet,
and pushing themselves now and then boldly into the sea, while the low
country is composed of peat-bogs and marshy barrens, intersected in
every direction by the beaten paths of the caribou deer, or varied with
woods, in which boulder rocks are abundant. Its two leading rivers are
the Exploit and the Humber, the last of which is noted for its fine
scenery, and its two largest lakes are known as Grand and Red Indian.
Various species of the spruce, the fir, and the pine grow everywhere,
but seldom attain a greater height than thirty feet, and are very
slender, while in the more northern portions they are so very low, and
their branches so matted together, that some of the smaller animals have
been known to travel a considerable distance on the tops of the stunted
trees. The most useful tree indigenous to the island is the tamarack or
larch, the timber of which is employed in building small vessels. The
elm and the beech are rare, and the maple and oak unknown. The birch is
found abundantly in some situations, and is said to have been used by
the aborigines not only in making canoes, but a certain tender portion
of it as food. The variety of recumbent and trailing evergreens is
immense, and all the berries peculiar to northern latitudes are so
abundant as to be an article of export. On leaving the wilderness and
approaching the habitations of man, at the proper season, it is found
that oats and potatoes thrive well, also the best of grasses and clover,
and the more common vegetables, such as beans, peas, and cabbages.
Indian corn does not mature, and wheat only thrives in the interior.
With regard to flowers, both cultivated and wild, the varieties are very
numerous, and though beautiful, few of them have any fragrance. The
mineral resources are undeveloped, but coal is abundant.
The climate of Newfoundland differs from that of Canada and New
Brunswick only in its extreme vicissitudes. It is not very cold, but
very unpleasant; very foggy, but not unhealthy. The pictorial effects of
frozen mist, which are common in the United States, are known in
Newfoundland as “silver thaws,” and are said to be very beautiful. The
thrush arrives in April and the shore lark is first heard in this month;
in May the grass begins to sprout, cod-fish are taken, the alder shoots
out its leaves, and potatoes are planted; in June the dandelion
blossoms, wild catkins come out, young thrushes are hatched, capelin
arrive along the shore and spawn, cherry-trees are in bloom, and the
butterflies deposit their eggs; in July green peas make their
appearance, house flies are numerous, and the capelin depart; in August
squids appear, hay-making commences, and beetles fly in swarms; in
September cherries are ripe, leaves of the birch-tree fade, and the
thrush migrates to the south; in October potatoes are dug, the berries
of the mountain-ash are ripe, and the snow-showers with the snow-bunting
appear; in November the Indian summer fills the land with beauty; and
from December to March frost and snow are universal and permanent. And
it is asserted as a remarkable fact that the principal shipwrecks which
have occurred on the southern coast of the island (near to which the
American and English steamers are in the habit of passing), have
happened on or about the time of the _spring tides_. Hence it has been
inferred that the currents run faster there, and are more dangerous at
those epochs than during the intervening time, which is a question that
ought to be fully investigated.
The animal kingdom of this huge island is peculiar and highly
interesting. A Swedish naturalist, who spent two years there, reported
the existence of five hundred species of birds. The water birds are
particularly numerous, the interior lakes affording secure
breeding-places for wild geese, and the rocky coasts affording
favourable situations for the eider duck. The wail of the loon is heard
on every sheet of water, and a white-headed eagle has his watch-tower in
every valley. Ptarmigan are abundant, but partridges unknown. The snowy
owl hoots to his fellow by the light of the aurora; and at midsummer the
humming-bird appears for a few days to make the children glad. Snipe,
plovers, and curlews are abundant. Of the larger quadrupeds, the
caribou, or American reindeer, are the most numerous, and are the only
animals of the deer kind on the island. Their paths intersect the
country like sheep-walks; they are not domesticated, but hunted only for
food. The black bear is found in the wilder parts, and an iceberg
occasionally comes floating down from the arctic regions bearing a white
bear as passenger. The wolf and the fox, the hare, the marten, the
beaver, the otter and musk-rat, are found throughout the interior; and
the entire coasts swarm with varieties of the seal, and the morse or
sea-lion is occasionally found.
Of domestic animals, the horse, sheep, cattle, and swine are all reared
to a limited extent; but this island is particularly famous for its
dogs. These are of two kinds, a brown wiry-haired and wolfish animal,
imported from Labrador, and the curly-haired Newfoundland species. The
best of them are perfectly black, and a genuine specimen can always be
known by his mouth, which is invariably black on the inside. They are
not large, but powerfully built, and very different from the American
dog bearing the same name. They subsist entirely upon fish, and are not
particular as to whether it is raw, salted, or putrid, and they have a
habit of catching their own fish. They are affectionate in disposition,
and are quite as much at home in the water as on dry land. They are very
numerous on the island, and when removed to a warmer climate are subject
to a glandular swelling in the ear, which often proves fatal. One of
them that was sent to Sir John Crampton in 1853, died from the effect of
heat only a few days after his arrival in Washington.
As to reptiles, not a snake, lizard, frog, or toad has ever been seen in
the country. As St. Patrick did in Ireland, some other benevolent saint
seems to have “banished all the varmint” from this region. In regard to
the finny tribes, the species are not so abundant as might be supposed,
but their immense numbers cannot be computed. In the inland lakes and
rivers, nothing but salmon and trout are ever found, but with nets they
are taken by the ton. Few and far between, however, are the fly-fishing
streams which have yet been discovered. More numerous by far are the
varieties of fish found in the surrounding sea, such as the whale and
porpoise, the dolphin and herring, the mackerel and capelin, but the
cod-fish outnumbers them all, and excels them, too, in local favour and
commercial importance. This fish is found in certain localities all
around the island, but the chief fishing grounds are off the south-east
coast. The Grand Bank, where the cod-fish do mostly congregate, is the
most extensive submarine plateau yet discovered. It is six hundred miles
long but two hundred wide, with a depth of water varying from
twenty-five to ninety fathoms; and upon this watery plain do the hardy
fishermen of at least five nations annually meet to follow their
laborious and venturesome business. Charlevoix, in speaking of the Grand
Bank, called it a mountain under the ocean.
The resident population of Newfoundland is now estimated at more than
160,000, and transient visitors at two-thirds of this figure. It is
governed by a Representative Assembly, with an Executive Council
appointed, like the Governor, by the Crown of England. Although the
colony has been erected into a Protestant See, most of the inhabitants
are Roman Catholics, the sons and daughters of Erin predominating.
Generally speaking, the inhabitants are simple in their manners, and
have but few educational opportunities. That everybody is, in one way or
another, connected with fishing or the seal-hunting business, is
self-evident, and there is also a great variety of nationalities
represented by the population. What is called the spring or seal fishery
employs about five hundred vessels, while the summer, or cod-fishery,
employs fifteen hundred vessels of all sizes. The total number of towns
and settlements on the island is about four hundred. The people are
industrious, toil without ceasing, and are contented with the
necessaries of life; and those who habitually leave home for business or
pleasure, have almost weekly opportunities for taking sailing packets to
England, and steamers ply regularly between St. John’s and Halifax.
Prior to the year 1822 the interior of Newfoundland had never been
explored by any white men, but at that time an enterprising Scotchman
named Cormack, accompanied by a single Micmac Indian, crossed the island
near its centre, and reached the western shore. He tried to obtain help
from the Government, but in vain. His leading idea was to discover the
haunts of the Red Indians, and open friendly communications with them.
In its romantic adventures and delightful intercourse with nature the
tour was probably never surpassed, and the hero, judging from a
narrative that he published, would seem to have had a warm appreciation
of all he saw. The silence and the gloom of the forests filled him with
awe; the wail of the loon at night on the lonely lakes, added intensity
to his feelings of solitude; he ascended to the top of a mountain-ridge,
and was transported with the views of the pure primeval wilderness which
faded away in all directions; wild and luscious berries, which were
found in many localities, afforded him an abundance of nourishment;
under a leafy canopy he nightly built his camp fire, and found
refreshing repose on a bed of lichens and reindeer moss; everything that
he saw, both animate and inanimate, seemed to be his own, and his will
exulted in its rare freedom; he saw the breeding-places of the wild
geese and bittern among the ridges, and the home of the curlew on the
barren hills; he saw immense herds of the caribou moving, like an army
with banners, across the plains; and just at those particular times when
he longed for a little intercourse with his fellow-men, it was his
fortune to stumble upon the hut of a solitary Indian hunter, or the
encampment of a party of Micmac Indians. Cormack’s endeavour to find a
remnant of the Red Indians was unsuccessful. The Esquimaux of Labrador
occasionally visit the northern extremity of the island, and, as we have
seen, a few Micmac hunters and trappers frequent the interior and
southern portions, but the aborigines of Newfoundland have long been
extinct. They were called the Bœothic or Red Indians, and so named
because they painted their faces with red ochre. Their history is most
melancholy. When first visited by Europeans, three centuries ago, they
were mild and inoffensive, but they sternly refused to hold any
intercourse with the invaders of their hunting-grounds, and consequently
became the victims of heartless revenge. The white men, aided by the
Esquimaux and Micmacs, pursued and murdered them without any mercy from
time immemorial; and, as they stand alone among the savages of the
western hemisphere in their undying antipathy to the white man, so is
their history more purely romantic than that of any other nation of the
American aborigines.
BLOCK ISLAND.
As the poet Dana made this island the scene of his fascinating story
called “The Buccaneer,” we may with propriety begin our description with
the opening lines, as follows:—
“The island lies nine leagues away.
Along its solitary shore
Of craggy rock and sandy bay,
No sound but ocean’s roar,
Save where the bold wild sea-bird makes her home,
Her shrill cry coming through the sparkling foam.
“But when the light winds lie at rest,
And on the glassy, heaving sea,
The black duck, with her glossy breast,
Sits swinging silently,—
How beautiful! No ripples break the reach,
And silvery waves go noiseless up the beach.”
Its exact position is at the junction of Long Island Sound and
Narragansett Bay, and it is washed by those waters of the Atlantic which
are perpetually blue. From Newport it is, indeed, just “nine leagues
away,” about ten miles from Point Judith, eighteen from Watch Hill, and
fourteen from Montauk Point. It is between eight and nine miles long,
and from two to four in width. At its northern extremity, where stands a
lighthouse, a sandy bar shoots out for a mile and a half under water,
upon the end of which people now living allege that they have gathered
berries, and from which at least two lighthouses have been removed in
the last fifty years, on account of the encroachments of the sea. Clay
bluffs, rising to the height of one and two hundred feet, alternate with
broad stretches of white beach in forming its entire shores; its surface
is undulating to an uncommon degree, and almost entirely destitute of
trees, the highest hill lying south of the centre, rising more than
three hundred feet above the sea; and by way of atoning for its want of
running streams, it has two handsome lakes, one of which is of fresh
water and the other of salt water, with an area of about two thousand
acres. Small ponds fed by springs are numerous, and of great value to
the farmers. The only harbour on the island lies on the eastern side,
nearly midway between the two extremities, and the contrast presented by
what is called the Old Harbour and the New Harbour is very striking. At
this point, also, is the only collection of houses which approaches to
the dignity of a village. Here the Block Island fleet, the fish-houses
appertaining thereto, a relief station, one big and one smaller hotel,
and several boarding-houses, half-a-dozen shops, one church, and two
windmills, are scattered about in very much of a helter-skelter fashion.
One of these windmills was built upon the main shore at Fall River sixty
years ago; twenty years ago it stood near the Old Harbour, at which time
we made a sketch of it; and to-day it is a conspicuous landmark in the
interior of the island. From this village, branching out in every
direction, are many winding roads, most of them private, and blocked up
with gates, upon which are located the snug habitations of the
islanders, numbering in all about thirteen hundred souls, three-fourths
of whom are thrifty farmers, while the balance are supported by the
harvests of the sea. Barring the massive and interminable stone walls
which intersect the entire island, the inland landscapes are almost
invariably composed of undulating pastures, studded with picturesque
homes, and barns, and haystacks, the most of them commanding glimpses of
the sea. From the height of land already mentioned, and known as Beacon
Hill, the ocean presents nearly a complete circle, broken only by one
hill, and well-nigh every house upon the island may be distinctly seen,
as well as about two hundred sails per day during the summer months.
Other prominent landmarks are Clay Head, a lofty and solemn promontory
pointing towards the north-east; Pilot Hill, also in the north-eastern
part; Bush Hill, near the Great Pond; the Great Bathing Beach, which is
two miles long, and as fine as any on the Atlantic coast; and the
Southern Cliffs, which are the crowning attraction of the island, next
to the sea air and the ocean scenery. These great bulwarks are both
imposing and beautiful, and it is in keeping with the fitness of things
that the highest of them should be surmounted by a first-class modern
lighthouse, which, though near the Crow, cannot be seen from the beach
below. Their formation is of clay, interspersed with boulders, and hence
we find here a greater variety of colours than at Mount Desert or the
Isles of Shoals; the profiles of the cliffs are both graceful and
fantastic, and when looming against a glowing sky or out of a bank of
fog, they are imposing to the last degree; and while you may recline
upon a carpet of velvety grass at their summits, you have far below you
the everlasting surf of the Atlantic dashing wildly among the boulders
or meeting in peace upon the sandy shore. But to enjoy this cliff
scenery in its perfection you must look upon it under various aspects;
in a wild storm, when all the sounds of the shore are absorbed in the
dull roar of the sea coming from afar; in a heavy fog, when the cliffs
have a spectral look, and the scream of the gulls is mingled with the
dashing of the unseen breakers; at sunset, when a purple glow rests upon
the peaceful sea and the rolling hills; at twilight, when the great
fissures are gloomy, and remind you of the dens of despair; and in the
moonlight, when all the objects that you see and all the sounds you hear
tend to overwhelm you with amazement and awe. But the air and the ocean,
after all, are the chief attractions of Block Island; the air, bland and
bracing in summer, pure and delicious as nectar in the sunny autumn, and
not without its attractions even in the winter and early spring; and the
ocean, in conjunction with the sky, making glorious pictures for
evermore, thus leading the mind from sublunary things to those that are
eternal in the heavens.
The people of Newport, when they wish to be funny, have a habit of
saying that Block Island is a nice place, but in danger, some of these
days, of being washed away by the sea. Unlike the conies, those
Newporters are a strong “folk,” but like them, they “build their houses
among the rocks;” and a cynic might make the remark that it smacks of
“sour grapes” for them to laugh at any of their neighbours who happen to
possess a less barren land. Not only does Block Island excel Newport, in
the solidity of its name, but its surrounding waters are much purer, and
its breakers and surf far more magnificent. But that the island is
washing away cannot be contradicted. Men of science, and chiefly Dr.
Charles T. Jackson, have demonstrated that the poor island is dwindling
away at the rate of twelve inches per annum, at which, in about fifty
thousand years, there will not be a vestige of the beautiful place to be
seen, even at low tide. This is sad to contemplate, but ought not to
have a damaging influence on real estate (excepting that of sand bars,
which have a habit of shifting their positions) for at least a few
summers to come. The present writer would not venture to dispute the
discoveries of science, but he happens to have one fact to communicate
which will re-assure any summer tourists who may have thought it unsafe
to visit Block Island. When he first visited it, about twenty years ago,
he carefully sketched a great boulder that loomed against the sky, from
the brow of one of the southern cliffs, and the only change that it has
undergone since then is to be found in the grass which covers its top,
and is now a little more luxuriant than it ever was before. As to the
height of that boulder above the sea, the whole city of Newport,
including all the rocks that Kensett has immortalised with his pencil,
might be placed upon a raft and floated directly under its native bluff,
and not be able to hide it with the smoke of its chimneys.
When Professor Charles T. Jackson visited the island in 1840, he
chronicled some facts which were more interesting and less fearful than
the washing-away theory. For example, he found that the peat or “tug”
found in many of the little valleys was most excellent in quality, the
surface soil granitic, that the island contained boulders precisely like
those on Point Judith (why not?), and the substratum on which the whole
rested was a deposit of tertiary blue clay, destitute of shells. He also
discovered that there were blocks of granite in the middle of the island
which had once been located in the county of Kingston. The highest
cliffs he pronounced to be only one hundred feet high, but on that point
his book-learning led him astray, and the boulders on the shore were
found to be of granite, and the smaller ones had frequently been shipped
to New York for paving the streets. He mentioned one extensive beach of
white sand which contained alternate beds of black crystals of magnetic
iron ore. The quantity of peat burned by each family he estimated at
thirty cords, and that it was dried in squares as well as in balls. The
Professor also stated that the corn crops yielded from thirty to fifty
bushels per acre, and that the climate was moderate.
The aborigines of Block Island were a part of the Narragansett nation,
and they gloried in the fame of their three great chieftains, Canonicus,
Canonchet and Miantinomo, the first of whom it was who sold Aquidnec,
now Rhode Island, to the English. It was about the year 1676 that the
last two of this trio were slain, one of them at Stonington, and the
other at Sachem’s Plain in Connecticut, and with them the Narragansett
power virtually expired. When the white man first visited Block Island
he found there about sixty large wigwams, divided into two villages,
adjoining which were two hundred acres of land planted with maize; and
while the records do not state when these Indians finally left the
island, the presumption is that it was soon after the whites had fairly
obtained possession of their new domain.
The progress of population on the island was for a time quite rapid, but
of late years has been well-nigh stationary. In 1730 the population was
two hundred and ninety, of whom about forty were Indians and negroes; in
the next sixty years the inhabitants had increased to six hundred and
eighty-two, of whom forty-seven were slaves, the latter class having
decreased after the Revolution; in 1820 the population was nine hundred
and fifty; in 1830 eleven hundred and eighty-five; in 1850 twelve
hundred and sixty-two, of whom forty-four were negroes; in 1860 thirteen
hundred and twenty; and in 1870 eleven hundred and thirteen inhabitants,
two hundred and twenty-three houses, two hundred and forty-one families,
thirty-seven people over seventy years of age, eight over eighty, and
one over ninety.
In Colonial times the landowners were comparatively few; their estates
were large, and houses somewhat pretentious. They were waited upon by
slaves, and in the habit of exchanging formal visits with the great
proprietors on the Narragansett shore. In modern times, however, we find
the land so cut up and sub-divided, that a farm of one hundred acres is
rather a novelty, while the largest proportion range from two to forty
acres, and the largest on the island contains only one hundred and fifty
acres. Contrary to the common belief, about three-fourths of the
inhabitants are farmers and the remainder fishermen. The houses of the
inhabitants are generally after the old New England model, one story and
a half high, always built of wood, and nearly always painted white; the
barns, however, which are neat and well kept, are frequently built of
wood combined with stone walls; the stone fences which surround or cross
and recross the plantations are noted for their substantial character,
and the grazing lands, on account of their neatness and beauty, are
invariably attractive. Not only do we find in summer fine growing crops
of corn and oats, alternating with bright green pastures, but attached
to almost every farm-house are to be seen clusters of haystacks, large
flocks of turkeys and other poultry, and numerous cattle and sheep
grazing on the hill-sides, or standing in groups pictured against the
sky. It is not literally true, according to Mr. Henry T. Beckwith, that
there are no trees on the island, but what there are, are so stunted in
size, and the space occupied by them is so small compared to the whole
extent of the island, that they make but very little show. They are
placed around the houses, in the hollows, and are nearly all balm of
Gilead, which has been found to succeed best. There may also be seen an
occasional specimen of a willow, silver-leafed poplar, or other kind.
The oldest inhabitants can remember when there were here and there a few
small patches of the forest trees remaining, but the people unwisely cut
them down, and have since found it difficult to grow trees of any kind.
There are a few cherry trees, whose product is of a poor sour
description, and quinces are the only fruit successfully raised. The
island, owing to its large population, is so generally cultivated, that
there is but little room for trees; but the people would do well to
plant them by the roadsides,—in the hollows at least, if they would not
grow upon the hills,—and some other small portions of the valleys might
profitably be devoted to them.
A more complete colony of pure native Americans does not exist in the
United States than is to be found on Block Island. They are a clannish
race; think themselves as good as any others (in which they are quite
right); they love their land, because it is their own; their ambition is
to obtain a good plain support from their own exertions, in which they
are successful to a man; they are simple in their habits, and therefore
command respect; they are honest, and neither need nor support any
jails; they are naturally intelligent, and a much larger proportion of
them can read and write than is the case in Massachusetts, the reputed
intellectual centre of the world; they are industrious, and have every
needed comfort; and kind-hearted to such an extent that they do not even
laugh at the antics of those summer visitors who have a habit of making
themselves ridiculous in their deportment towards each other and
strangers; they are kind and independent, because they try to do their
duty as honest men; they possess great social freedom, and without
arrogance, one man thinking himself as good as his neighbour; they are
hospitable, and when they invite you to become a guest, they mean that
you shall, for the time, become one of the family; they have no taste
for politics, and would condemn a demagogue Congressman as soon as they
would a low city politician; they have the greatest respect for religion
and religious men, and are fond of attending church; they are frugal in
their mode of living, but ever ready to part with their extra means for
worthy purposes. In their physical appearance the men are brown and
hardy, as it becomes those who live in sunshine, mist, and storm even
from the cradle; and the women are healthy, with bright eyes and clear
complexions, virtuous and true, and as yet without the pale of the
blandishments and corruption of fashion.
Although the writer would not repeat himself in commenting upon these
people, the following paragraph, from an article that he published
twenty years ago, may not be deemed out of place:—“In their intercourse
with each other they are particularly amiable and obliging, never
spending money for labour, but helping each other on all occasions for
nought; but they are apt to deport themselves among strangers as if
jealous of their time and property. The richest men among them are
perhaps worth ten thousand dollars (that estimate is far too low for the
year 1875), and when their funds are not packed away in old bags, they
are found deposited in the banks of Newport. All their provisions,
excepting flour, tea, coffee, and sugar, they produce on their own
lands, and their own private looms furnish them with clothing. Nearly
all the inhabitants are natives of the island; some of them, indeed, who
are more than fifty years old, boast that they never spent a night upon
any other spot of earth, and the half-dozen individuals who have become
naturalised are called ‘emigrants,’ The rudiments of a common school
education they all possess; and though, like sensible men, they seem to
care little for politics, and despise politicians, yet they are prompt
in performing their election duties, and on more than one occasion have
they decided the elections of their State.”
The farmers of Block Island, without making any pretensions whatever,
are as sensible a community, in the way of agriculturists, as any in the
country. They keep their pasture-lands as free from stones and other
objectionable objects, as are the lawns around the mansions of the rich
in other regions; they plough their lands with care, and plant the best
of seeds; they believe in keeping their soil as rich as possible, and
after every storm, you may see them by the score hauling up from the
sea-shore, with their noble oxen, immense quantities of the rich
sea-weed. While storing away, with a liberal hand, a supply of all the
necessaries of life for their own consumption, the Block Islanders have
an eye to trade, and send over to Newport and Providence, to Stonington
and New London, large supplies of cattle, horses, sheep, hogs, grain,
poultry, and eggs, as well as cod-livers for oil, and large quantities
of sea moss, receiving in return not only money but all the necessaries
of foreign growth or productions; there is, indeed, one blacksmith-shop
and one carpenter-shop on the island, but, as a general rule, the
farmers can perform almost any kind of work, and with more than ordinary
skill. Their manner of farming, a few years ago, was most primitive; but
the modern implements of husbandry are now in common use, although they
have not yet cast aside the old-fashioned fulling-mill nor the
picturesque windmill. The few shops for the sale of general merchandise
are unpretending in appearance, but well stocked with such things as the
people need; and as they have no use for such establishments as
drinking-houses, dancing-halls, and ten-pin alleys, there is nothing of
the kind on the island; and they are especially blessed in not having a
trashy newspaper, nor a base-ball club.
The fishermen of this island live and appear very much like their
brother farmers, but naturally have more intercourse with the outside
world. Very frequently, indeed, we find individuals who are both farmers
and fishermen. They are a quiet, but fearless and hardy race, and what
they do not know about the ocean—its winds, and storms, and fogs—is
not worth knowing. All the boats in their possession at the present time
would not number one hundred, and the majority of these are small, but
they suffice to bring from the sea a large amount of fish annually. The
two principal varieties are the cod and blue-fish. The former are most
abundant in May and November, and although not any better by nature than
the Newfoundland cod, they are taken nearer the shore, and cured while
perfectly fresh, and hence have acquired a rare reputation. There are
three banks for taking them, ranging from five to ten miles distant. The
blue-fish are taken all through the summer and autumn, are commonly
large, and afford genuine sport to all strangers who go after them. The
writer of this once saw sixty boats come to shore in a single day, every
one of which was heavily laden with blue-fish. Another valuable fish
taken is the mackerel, and when they are in the offing in June, the
Block Island fleet, joined to the stranger fishermen, sometimes present
a most charming picture. And as they anchor at night, to use the
language of another, under the lea of the island, the lights in the
rigging, the fantastic forms of the men dressing the fish, the shouts of
old shipmates recognising each other, the splash of the waves, the
creaking of the tackle, the whistling of the wind, the fleecy clouds
flying across the face of the moon, conspire to make a picture that
seems more like a fairy vision than reality. As to the Block Island
boats, they are quite as original as their owners, who build them
themselves to a great extent, but always, of course, from lumber grown
on the main shore. They are sharp at both ends, deep, from fifteen to
thirty feet long, and carry much ballast, have one and two sails, but
never a jib, are always open, very stout, range from two to ten tons’
burthen, run nearer the wind than any others, and seldom or never cast
an anchor. The smaller ones are chiefly used in fishing, and the larger
ones by the pilots or for transporting cattle and produce to the
mainland markets. As an evidence of their security, good qualities, and
the skill of their managers, it may be stated that, in open sea
navigation, in which they are used, only two of them have foundered in
the last one hundred years. When Professor Jackson visited the island in
1840, he made the following observations bearing on the subject now
under consideration:—
“There is no harbour on its shores in which any decked vessel can safely
ride at all times, and hence open sail boats alone are employed by the
islanders, who are very skilful boatmen, and rarely suffer from
accidents during their frequent voyages across the waters to Newport.
The only protection afforded to the boats at the landing consists of
long poles driven into the sand, and this serves to break the violence
of the waves. The population of Block Island at the last census was 1200
souls, and now is said to amount to about 1300. A large proportion of
the inhabitants are engaged in rural pursuits, while the remainder
pursue the business of fishing—its agricultural and commercial
prosperity is certainly worthy of serious attention. The value of the
fisheries is estimated at 2000 quintals per annum. The bounty allowed by
the United States Government is $4·00 per ton to fishing vessels, and if
decked schooners could be employed here, the people would largely engage
in the business, and more than twice the number of fish be caught.”
But the seafaring men of Block Island are not all purely fishermen. Many
of them do a profitable business as pilots, and it is astonishing to
notice with what boldness they sometimes go out to sea, in the face of
fierce winds, when they would board a ship, perhaps a whaler, coming
home from a voyage of several years in the far north or the distant
eastern seas. A goodly number of them, too, are called wreckers, and
their business is to lend a helping hand, and not to rob the
unfortunate, when vessels are driven upon the shore by stress of
weather, or lured to destruction by the deceitful fogs. And it
occasionally happens that we hear of a Block Islander who becomes
curious about the world at large, and, obtaining the command of a ship
at New Bedford or New London, circumnavigates the globe; but they are
always sure to come back to their darling home, better satisfied with
its charms than ever before.
By way of elucidating some of the foregoing remarks, correcting any
erroneous statements, and adding to the interest of this paper, it
affords us pleasure to submit the following facts, gathered from Mr. C.
E. Perry, a native of the island:—
“The first United States mail route to Block Island was inaugurated in
1833. Previously the inhabitants depended on occasional boats going to
Newport, and often got no mail for two, three, or four months.
“The Block Island boats so called are distinct and different from any
other craft in existence. They are the ablest sea-going _undecked_ craft
in the world, and there does not once in five years occur a storm so
perilous that the largest of these boats, well trimmed and ably manned,
cannot pass to and fro between the Island and Newport. They are from
twelve to thirty-five feet in length, and the largest of them will carry
from ten to fifteen tons. They are lap streaked, and built of very thin
cedar from a half to seven-eighths of an inch in thickness. Their knees
and timbers are of oak, and are very strongly and lightly made. The
largest of them draw about six feet of water when loaded. They are
primarily and principally sea boats, and are not, as compared with other
vessels, remarkable for speed when going with a free wind or in light
weather, but in a deep beating sea, close-hauled, and especially during
heavy gales of wind, they are unusually fast. They carry two sails, a
foresail and mainsail, the foresheet leading aft. The origin of their
model is to us unknown. Some of them are built on the island, but most
of the large ones in Newport.
“The spring cod-fishery here commences about the first of April, and
lasts until about the first of June, though cod-fish are generally
caught to some extent during all the summer months. An average share per
man for the spring fishing would be perhaps twenty-five quintals, though
sometimes they do not get half that, and occasionally hand shares of
nearly or quite seventy-five quintals have been divided. Block Island
cod-fish are in high demand, owing to the fact that they are dressed
within a few hours after being caught, and thoroughly salted and cured,
and there are annually ten times the product of the fisheries here sold
as Block Island cod. It would be difficult to name any price that could
be said to be an average, but the highest price ever received was ten
dollars fifty-five cents per quintal of one hundred and twelve pounds.
One or two boat-loads only were sold at this price during the war. The
summer fishing here used to consist of hook and line fishing for
blue-fish, but they seem during the past few years to have left this
vicinity in a large degree, and now the principal summer fisheries are
the pounds or traps on the west side of the island, in which are taken a
large number of varieties, among which are cod-fish, blue-fish,
yellow-fins, and _bonitas_. The fall cod-fishing commences about the
first of November, and lasts until about the middle of December, and an
average catch, as compared with spring fishing, is perhaps twelve to
eighteen quintals per man. When the fish are brought ashore they are
thrown into five equal heaps, one of which the owners of the boat takes,
and its technical appellation is “standings.” The rest are equally
divided among the whole crew, owners and all.
“The fishing grounds are many in number, and designated by a great
number of names, ‘Covill’ being one of the most popular. Most of these
are situated on the bank so called, it being an irregular ledge of rocks
about twelve miles south of Block Island, and from ten to fifteen miles
in length, with deep water within and beyond it. The proximity to this
ledge is determined by sounding, and the particular grounds upon it, in
clear weather, by ranges on the land, but in foggy weather when the land
cannot be seen, some of the old fishermen will steer so accurately,
making calculations on wind and tide, and know so well the depth of
water on all parts of it, that they will go day after day and anchor on
a particular spot not more than a quarter of an acre in area, as
certainly and surely as though on the land.
“Coggeshall Ledge, a famous fishing-ground for late spring and summer
fishing, is about thirty miles south-east from the island. Some idea of
the safety of the boats may be gathered from the fact that only two or
three have been lost during the past hundred years, and in all the cases
referred to the accidents were traceable to gross imprudence and
recklessness.”
This island was discovered by the Florentine, Giovanni de Verazzano, in
1524, while upon a voyage along the coast of North America, under a
commission from the French king. The name that he gave to it was
_Claudia_, in honour of the king’s mother, but as he did not land upon
it, and never saw it afterwards, the island was utterly forgotten for
well-nigh a century. After the Dutch had founded New Amsterdam some of
them sailed for the north-east, on a visit to the pilgrims at Plymouth,
and they saw the island also; and it was one of the white-haired race,
Adrian Blok or Block, who rediscovered it, and whose name it has ever
since borne. This man does not appear to have been an admiral, as has
often been asserted, but more of a merchant; he had a partner whose name
was Hendrick Christiaensz, and the twain chartered a vessel, in which
they performed an expedition to the West Indies, and took home, when
they returned, two sons of the Sachems there. Whether it was upon that
voyage or another that they sighted Block Island does not appear. But
upon this subject we have some interesting facts, for which we are
indebted to Mr. W. H. Potter, viz.:—“The name of Captain Block’s vessel
was the ‘Restless.’ She was forty-four and a half feet long and eleven
wide, constructed upon the banks of the Hudson in the year 1816. He was
an enterprising Dutchman who, leaving Manhattan came through ‘Hellegat’
and Long Island Sound, entering nearly every harbour, and ascending
rivers on both sides of the same, giving names to all the prominent
features of the sea and land he saw. Montauk he called Fisher’s Hook,
Mystic River he denominated ‘Rivier va Sicemamos,’ or Sachem River, upon
which the Pequatos, the great enemies of the Wampansags, dwelt. Watch
Hill and Pawcatuck River he describes as ‘a crooked point in the shape
of a sickle, behind which is a small stream or inlet,’ called by the
navigator Oester Rivier or East River. We hear but little of Block
Island or ‘Adrian’s Eyeland,’ as sometimes called, after Mynheer
Adrian’s exploration, for the next twenty years, except as an occasional
stopping-place for coasters, who described it as a fair island of the
sea, very fertile, and abounding in Indians who were tributary to the
great Narragansett tribe.” Its original owners, the Narragansett
Indians, named it _Manisses_. In 1636, while Roger Williams was planting
the standard of civilisation and Christianity on the spot where the city
of Providence now stands, a certain Boston trader attempted to establish
a business arrangement with the Indians on Block Island.
“The cause of our war,” according to a writer in the Historical
Collections of Massachusetts, “against the Block Islanders, was for
taking away the life of one Master John Oldham, who made it his common
course to trade amongst the Indians. He coming to Block Island to drive
trade with them, the islanders came into his boat, and having got a full
view of his commodities, which gave them good content, consulted how
they might destroy him and his company, to the end they might clothe
their bloody flesh with his lawful garments. The Indians having laid
their plot, they came to trade as pretended, watching their
opportunities, knocked him in the head, and martyred him most
barbarously, to the great grief of his poor distressed servants, which
by the providence of God were saved. This island lying in the roadway to
Lord Sey and the Lord Brooke’s plantation, a certain seaman called to
John Gallop, master of the small navigation standing along to the
Mathethusis Bay, and seeing a boat under sail close aboard the island,
and perceiving the sails to be unskilfully managed, bred in him a
jealousy whether that island Indians had not bloodily taken the life of
our own countrymen, and made themselves master of their goods.
Suspecting this, he bore up to them, and approaching near them, was
confirmed that his jealousy was just. Seeing Indians in the boat, and
knowing her to be the vessel of Master Oldham, and not seeing him there,
gave fire upon them and slew some; others leaped overboard, besides two
of the number which he preserved alive and brought to the Bay. The blood
of the innocent called for vengeance. God stirred up the heart of the
honoured Governor, Master Henry Vane, and the rest of the worthy
Magistrates, to send forth one hundred well-appointed soldiers under the
conduct of Captain John Hendicott, and in company with him that had
command, Captain John Underhill, Captain Nathan Turner, Captain William
Jenningson, besides other inferior officers. The result of the
expedition was—Having slain fourteen and maimed others, the balance
having fled, we embarked ourselves, and set sail for Seasbrooke Fort,
where we lay through distress of weather four days; then we departed.”
Captains Norton and Stone were both slain, with seven more of their
company. The orders to this expedition were “to put the men of Block
Island to the sword, but to spare the women and children.”
In a series of articles which Mr. Potter published on Block Island in
1860, he thus speaks of the influence of Roger Williams: “He induced
Canonicus to submit to the demands of Massachusetts; to punish his
tributaries on Manisses Island; to recover and send back the captives
taken from Oldham’s vessel; and to render the Indians within his
jurisdiction generally friendly to the whites. If the Boston Magistrates
had been content to trust more to Mr. Williams’s sagacity, and listened
to his counsels of moderation, doubtless the Pequot war might have been
avoided, the barbarity of which, on the part of the whites, will be a
standing reproach for all time, though explained, defended, and
apologised for by civilians and divines for two centuries. The crimes of
the Pequots,—magnified as they were by the whites of that day,—even
supposing the most unfavourable accounts to be true, were trifling
compared with the awful retribution which fell upon their heads, and
which grew in part out of the tragedy at Block Island.”
Soon after that event the island became tributary to Massachusetts, and
Winthrop informs us that on the 27th January 1638 the Indians of Block
Island sent three men, with ten fathoms of wampum as a part of their
tribute, and by way of atoning for their wicked conduct. In 1658 the
General Court of Massachusetts granted all their right to Block Island
to Governor John Endicott and three others, who, in 1660, sold it to a
certain company of persons, and the first settlement was commenced in
the following year. The story of that sale was duly written out at the
time, and after the settlement had been effected, was placed on record
among the files of the Island, where it is to be found at the present
time.
In 1663 the island was annexed by the charter of Charles II. to the
colony of Rhode Island, and in March of that year the Assembly directed
that the Governor be requested to write to Block Island to inform them
that “they are in our jurisdiction, and James Sands is appointed
constable and conservator of the peace there.” In a petition which John
Alcock presented to the home government for certain redress, he says,
that “having been at great charges in planting the island, he invokes
His Magestie’s interposition that he may not be dispossessed of it.”
About that time a bill was passed by the General Court of Rhode Island,
by which it was provided, “that noe parson within the said collony at
any time hereafter shall be in any wayes molested, punished, disquieted,
or called in question for any difference of opinion in matters of
religion, and do not actually disturb the civill peace of the sayed
collony.” In 1664 the Magistrates of Boston sent a committee of two men,
named Denison and Dunford, to treat with the Rhode Island Government on
the subject of jurisdiction, but they accomplished nothing, and the
island passed quietly under the rule and authority under which it has
ever since remained.
In 1665 the inhabitants of Block Island presented a petition to the
General Court for aid to make a harbour; and in 1670 a committee was
appointed to raise contributions for the improvement of the harbour on
the eastern shore; and, after waiting only _about two hundred years_, as
will hereafter be seen, the very patient inhabitants were permitted to
have (but not from Rhode Island) a very small but secure harbour. In
justice to the colony, however, it should be stated that on a certain
occasion, the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and a Mr. John Clark, were
“nominated and requested by the Assembly to go to the island to see and
judge whether there be any possibility to make a harbour and wharf, that
there may be a conveniency for trade, and an encouragement for fishing.”
Soon afterwards some slight harbour improvements were made, which were
subsequently destroyed by a storm; and about seventy years later the
colony appropriated twelve hundred pounds for building a new pier, or if
that was not practicable, for repairing the old one.
In 1762 the island was incorporated as the town of New Shoreham, and so
named, it is supposed, because some of the prominent settlers had come
from the town of Shoreham, in Sussex County, England. From the start it
had conferred upon itself more ample powers of self-government than had
been conferred upon any other town in the colony, for the reason that
they were “liveinge remote, being so far in ye sea,” and because of “ye
longe spelles of weather,” which sometimes rendered it difficult to
reach the island. Full powers were given the people in the trial of
suits at law, and in calling meetings without the special warrant of the
Colonial Magistrates, as in other towns required.
New Shoreham was the fifth town in order of time which was incorporated,
and we may obtain an idea of its relative importance by glancing at the
taxes which were levied in 1670, viz., for Newport, £123; Providence,
£51; Portsmouth, £51; Warwick, £32; Pettequamscut, £16; and Block
Island, £15. From another statement, it would appear that the above
amounts could not have been paid, for we find that seven years
afterwards, in 1678, the apportionment for taxes was considerably lower,
but this was probably owing to the terrible war with King Philip and the
Narragansetts, then just closed; but in 1684 and in 1687 the tax levied
upon Block Island was greater than that of Westerley. The taxes were
paid in money or produce, and we find that the prices allowed were: For
pork, threepence per pound; peas, three shillings and sixpence, and
wheat five shillings per bushel; wool, twelvepence, and butter sixpence
per pound; and corn three shillings, and oats two shillings and
threepence per bushel.
When the charter of Rhode Island, to use the language of W. H. Potter,
had been annulled by the Quo Warranto of Sir Edmund Andross, and her
great seal broken, I find that Block Island, though handsomely
represented in Andross’s Board of Officers, was not content, but John
Williams, and eleven others, in a spirited protest to the King, James
II., against usurpation, which was dated July 16, A.D. 1686, and they
were among the first to throw off the allegiance of the Stuarts in the
Revolution that soon followed.
When war was proclaimed between France and England in 1689, Block Island
came in for rather more than its share of attention from the enemies of
England. In July of that year, as we learn from the Records of
Massachusetts, three French privateers came to Block Island, having
among their crew one William Trimming, who treacherously decoyed and
betrayed those he met at sea, pretending they were Englishmen, as he had
a perfect use of the English tongue. He was sent on shore, and by
plausible accounts succeeded in obtaining a pilot to conduct the vessels
in the harbour, whereupon the people, who imagined no treachery, were
immediately made prisoners of war. They continued on the island a week,
plundering houses and stripping people of their clothing, goods, etc.,
and destroying their bedding. This same Trimming was afterwards shot
dead on the spot (it was thought through surprise) by Mr. Stephen
Richardson of Fisher’s Island, lying near New London, where he had gone
with others of the crew on a similar expedition, he having his gun
partly concealed behind him, and not laying it down when commanded. Mr.
Richardson was much blamed at the time for it.
In 1690 the French again landed upon the island, plundered it, and
carried off some of the inhabitants. Great alarm was created by this
attack, and men-of-war as well as troops were sent for protection from
New York and Boston, as well as from Rhode Island, and the invaders were
driven off. Money, provisions, and medicines were also sent over by
order of the General Court of Rhode Island for the relief of the
sufferers. Other attacks were made from time to time during that and the
subsequent wars between England and France, viz., in 1744, 1754, as well
as during the Revolutionary War and that of 1812, the island having
been, from its position, peculiarly exposed to them, and it did not
obtain a lasting peace until after all hostilities were ended. In 1690
the French made a descent on Block Island, plundering and carrying off
some of its people; and in 1692 Turnbull wrote—“The French, last year,
while the troops were employed against Canada, made a descent on Block
Island, plundered the houses, and _captivated_ most of the people.” In
1705 the General Court of the Colony ordered the soldiers to be
continued on the island _at the expense_ of the Colonial Government,
excepting their support, etc., which was to be furnished by the
islanders. This equivocal assistance was followed by a complaint from
the Governor and Council of the Colony to the Board of Trade in London,
in which they said: “We have been obliged to maintain a quota of men at
Block Island for the defense of sayd island, and the security of Her
Majesty’s interest therein.”
Mr. W. H. Potter, while discussing the hostile demonstrations alluded to
above, gives us this information:—“In 1775, H.B.M. man-of-war ‘Rose,’
Captain Wallace, with several tenders, was stationed to guard the
island, lest the islanders should transport their stock and stores to
the mainland, these being wanted to supply the British ships.
Notwithstanding the vigilance of Commodore Wallace, the authorities of
Rhode Island, under the superintendence of Colonel James Rhodes, brought
off the live stock from Block Island, and landed them at Stonington,
whence they were driven into Rhode Island. It was to punish Stonington
for this raid that Wallace, it is supposed, bombarded Stonington Point
in the fall of 1775. I have conversed with a person who was present when
the ‘Rose’ made her attack on Stonington, and he said of her
destination: ‘The next day the “Rose” set sail for her station off Block
Island, where I understood she was stationed to prevent the cattle of
the island from being removed.’ As Newport was in possession of the
enemy, the Block Islanders had their full share of trials.”
That the people were intensely loyal to the Colonies is abundantly shown
by the old records, but as subsequent events proved, they paid for their
patriotism by suffering much persecution. From a communication sent to
us on this and one or two other topics by Dr. T. H. Mann, we cull the
following:—
In August of 1875, the General Assembly ordered all the cattle and sheep
to be brought off the island, except a supply sufficient for their
immediate use, and two hundred and fifty men were sent to bring it off
to the mainland, and such as was suitable for market immediately sent to
the army, and such as was not, sold at either public or private sale.
Total number of sheep and lambs removed was 1908, and the amount paid to
the inhabitants for the same was £534, 9s. 6d. out of the general
treasury. By an Act of the General Assembly of May 1776, the inhabitants
of New Shoreham were exhorted to remove from the island, but there is no
record of any general attention being paid to the exhortation. But some
few did leave the island, and their petitions to the General Assembly,
for permits to return, collect the rents, and look after their property,
were quite frequently presented, and usually referred to the General
commanding the defences of the coast of the colony.
There are a number of instances upon record of the abuse by individuals
of the rights of neutrality. The Royal forces occupied the island, or
held direct communication with it for nearly eight years, and it was not
a difficult matter for the hardy boatmen, with their small open boats,
to procure supplies from the main under cover of “needed supplies” for
their own use, and sell to good advantage to the troops who occupied the
island or touched at the island for such supplies. At several different
times the boatmen lost their whole cargo by confiscation to the colonial
forces, who eventually put a stop to the smuggling. There is no evidence
that this kind of smuggling was carried on to any extent, except by a
few individuals.
An exchange of prisoners took place between the contending forces upon
Block Island at several different times, its location making it a very
convenient station for such exchanges. The island furnished several
distinguished men to the revolutionary forces, and one lady, who figured
very conspicuously as the wife of General Nathaniel Green. George
Washington Green, in his Life of General Nathaniel Green, says, “The
maiden’s name was Catherine Littlefield, and she was a niece of the
governor’s wife, the Catherine Ray of Franklin’s letters. The courtship
sped swiftly and smoothly; and more than once, in the course of it, he
followed her to Block Island, where, as long after her sister told me,
the time passed gleefully, in merry-makings, of which dancing always
formed a principal part. And on the 12th of July 1774, it was certified
under the hand of David Sprague, clerke, ‘to all whom it may concern,
that the intention of marriage was published in the congregation
assembled for Divine worship in Newshoreham meeting-house, three days of
publick worship, between Mr. Nathaniel Green of Coventry, in the county
of Kent, and Catherine Littlefield, a daughter of John Littlefield,
Esq., at Newshoreham, in the county of Newport, and no objection was
made to forbid their marriage.’ On the same days, the worshippers at the
Episcopal Church at Providence received a similar notice, as is
testified in a clear copy-book hand by the rector, J. Greaves. And a
third certificate being given on the 18th by Stephen Arnold, clerk of
the Court of Common Pleas, the requisitions of law and custom were
fulfilled. The 20th of July came, and in the little room hallowed by the
recollections of Franklin, Green received the hand of his bride; and
then, through those green roads and lanes, which looked greener and
lovelier than ever before, he led her home to Coventry.”
She was an intimate acquaintance of General Washington’s wife Martha,
meeting her many times at army headquarters whenever the army rested
long enough to permit the officers’ wives to join them. In the Life of
General Green above alluded to, it is stated that “an intimacy sprung up
between her and Mrs. Washington, which, like that between their
husbands, ripened into friendship, and continued unimpaired through
life. His first child, still in the cradle, was named George Washington,
and the second, who was born the ensuing year, Martha Washington.”
The restrictions upon intercourse with the island, imposed by an Act of
the General Assembly, were not withdrawn till the close of the
Revolution. In the May session of the General Assembly 1783, Mr. John
Sands took a seat as a representative from the island, and immediately
the following resolution was adopted: “Whereas, from the cessation of
hostilities between the United States and the King of Great Britain, a
further continuation of the restrictions on the intercourse and
communication between the inhabitants on the main and the inhabitants of
the town of Newshoreham has become unnecessary: It is therefore voted
and resolved that the acts and resolves of this Assembly, prohibiting
trade, correspondence, and intercourse between the other inhabitants of
this State and inhabitants of said town of Newshoreham be, and they are
hereby, repealed.”
The general confiscation of Tory property by the State Government for
the uses of the State only affected one estate upon the island, so far
as record can be found, and that was the estate of Ackun Sisson,
confiscated at the close of the war.
One more item is here inserted, from the Colonial Records, as it is a
resolution a little out of the usual custom, and introduced for the
special benefit of the island. It was passed in the June session of
1783, as follows:—“Whereas, from the insular situation of the town of
New Shoreham, it will often be impracticable for the deputies of the
said town who reside therein to attend this Assembly; and whereas the
freemen of said town, influenced by the aforesaid consideration, have
made choice of Ray Sands, Esq., an inhabitant of the town of South
Kingstown, who is seised of a freehold estate in the said town of New
Shoreham, to represent them in General Assembly: It is therefore voted
and resolved that the choice of the said Ray Sands, as aforesaid, be,
and the same is hereby approved; and that the freemen of the said town
of New Shoreham be, and they are hereby empowered to choose any person,
being a freeman of any town in the State, who is seised in his own right
of a freehold estate in the said town of New Shoreham, to represent them
in General Assembly, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary
notwithstanding; provided, nevertheless, that such person so elected be
not allowed to act or vote as a freeman of the town of his residence
during the term he shall represent the said town of New Shoreham as a
deputy; and that this resolution shall not be brought into precedent by
any other town in this State.”
In the old times of which we are speaking, the lottery was considered a
legitimate means to be used for raising funds for any undertaking that
required an extraordinary outlay of money. Even the stern old Puritans
of this colony looked upon the lottery as legitimate when its gains were
to be applied to a laudable purpose. But the following is a direct grant
from the Assembly, as were a number of others made at about the same
time:—
Extract from Proceedings of the General Assembly, held for the Colony of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, at South Kensington, the 23d
day of March 1762:
“Whereas Messrs. Edmond Sheffield and Joseph Spencer, deputies from the
town of New Shoreham, did, in behalf of the said town, prefer a
petition, and represent unto this Assembly, that on the westernmost side
of said island there is a large pond, covering above one thousand acres
of land, which formerly had a communication with the sea by a creek;
that then the fishing-ground for cod was well known, and bass was there
to be caught in great plenty; that since the creek has been stopped, the
fishing-ground for cod is uncertain, they being scattered about in many
places, and the bass have chiefly left the island; that they are of
opinion that a communication may be opened between the said pond and the
sea, so that a passage may be obtained large enough for coasting and
fishing vessels to pass and re-pass, and thereby find a safe and
commodious harbour; that if this communication can be made, the fishing
will again become sure and certain, and fishing vessels will not be
obliged in bad weather to run to Newport, New London, or any other port,
before they have got their fare, but there may find a safe harbour; that
it will be attended with the greatest advantages, not only to this
colony, but the neighbouring governments; and particularly the
inhabitants of New Shoreham will reap so great benefit from it, as will
enable them to pay a much larger proportion of the public taxes than
they are now able to do; and thereupon they prayed this Assembly to
grant a lottery, to defray the charge thereof, which was granted
accordingly.”
We also find the following lotteries granted the same day by the same
Assembly, and we reproduce it merely to exhibit the coolness of our
forefathers when attending to business:—
“The following lotteries were also granted at this session: To the
inhabitants of Smithfield and Cumberland to raise £2000, old tenor, to
rebuild the bridge at Woonsocket Falls; directors, William Arnold, John
Dexter, Amos Sprague, Chas. Capron, Hezekiah Herrenden, and Samuel
Cooke.
“To Samuel Dunn, of Providence, to raise £4500, old tenor, to remunerate
him for losses incurred: first, in the capture of his sloop ‘Joseph’ by
a French privateer; and second, in the loss of his vessel and cargo by
shipwreck on the coast of North Carolina. God save the King!”
No record can be found to show whether an attempt was ever made to carry
out the schemes of the lottery. If the attempt was ever made, it was not
successful, for in 1773 another petition was presented to the General
Assembly for assistance towards making an opening into the great pond,
that the pond might be used for a harbour. At this time they petition
“that a sum of money may be granted out of the general treasury
sufficient to purchase timber and provide stones for beginning, and, in
some measure, carrying on the work, and that the remainder may be raised
by lotteries.”
The General Assembly appointed a committee of five “to go to New
Shoreham and inspect into the circumstances of the premises mentioned in
the petition, and that they make report to this Assembly at the next
session.”
In their report at the next session they speak favourably of the
undertaking, and recommend it to the colony, but there is no record to
show that any further action was taken in the matter. Probably the acts
of the British Government the following year absorbed so much attention
that the project for a harbour at Block Island was dropped, and the next
record we have is the action that the inhabitants took in town meeting,
held March 2, 1774, in relation to the importation and duty on tea.
* * * * *
It has already been mentioned that the poet Dana made Block Island the
scene of his most brilliant poem; and although his local descriptions
are poetically accurate, and he makes much of a burning ship, we must
question the assertion that his hero Matthew See, the buccaneer,
“Held in this isle unquestioned sway.”
With equal ability, but in a different vein, the poet Whittier has also
celebrated the leading romantic legend associated with Block Island, but
he made the mistake of charging the Block Islanders with some acts of
wickedness of which they were never guilty.
We now propose to give a summary of the facts connected with the famous
vessel called the “Palatine,” which we are permitted to make from an
elaborate paper prepared by Mr. C. E. Perry, already mentioned, who is,
on account of his researches in that direction, the highest authority
extant.
The passengers of the “Palatine,” it would appear, were wealthy Dutch
emigrants who were coming over to America to settle near Philadelphia.
Many people are accustomed to speak in a general way of all the
inhabitants of Germany as Dutch, and it is quite probable that in this
instance the ship may have sailed from some seaport town of Germany
between the river Ems and Denmark, or it may be that the passengers on
this ill-fated ship first experienced the pangs of sea-sickness on the
waves of the Baltic Sea.
Her name alone is presumptive evidence that she came from German
territory, and in her tragic ending one may almost imagine an
anticipation of the ravages that a few years later desolated one of the
fairest regions of Europe, and clouded with eternal infamy the brilliant
reputation of Turenne. It has been believed by some that she sailed from
Amsterdam, and Mr. Perry some years ago, armed with letters of
introduction, applied to the United States consuls at Amsterdam and
Rotterdam, requesting them to have the Custom-house archives searched
for data bearing on this point.
Our Government officials were obliging enough to interest themselves in
the matter at once, and the records of both ports were searched for a
period dating back two hundred years, but nothing was found bearing the
remotest connection with this ship. The archives of Rotterdam, however,
had been removed to The Hague, and for a period of five years, probably
covering the date of the “Palatine’s” wreck, had been lost.
There is much difference of opinion concerning this date, some placing
it as early as 1720, while others suppose it to be as late as 1760.
Nothing definite can be determined, but Mr. Perry’s grandmother, who is
now seventy-six years of age, and retains her faculties in a remarkable
degree, remembers distinctly of her grandmother’s telling her repeatedly
that she was twelve years old when the “Palatine” came ashore.
If this reckoning can be depended on, the “Palatine” must have been
wrecked during the winter of 1750 and 1751. She came ashore, as
tradition reports, on a bright Sabbath morning between Christmas and New
Year, striking on the outer end of Sandy Point, the northern extremity
of the island.
The unfortunate passengers, who doubtless commenced this memorable
voyage with bright hopes of a happy future in the new world, whose
attractions were at that time currently believed by the common people in
many parts of Europe to vie with those of the garden of Eden before the
Fall, were doomed to suffer almost inconceivable miseries. For six weeks
they lay off and on skirting the coasts of Delaware during a period of
peculiarly fine and delightful weather, almost within sight of the
region they had hoped to make their home, while an unnecessary and
enforced starvation was daily reducing their numbers, and leading the
survivors to pray for death as a welcome release from further suffering.
These emigrants, many of whom were quite wealthy, had with them money
and valuables; and the officers of the ship, headed by the chief mate,
the captain having died or been killed during the passage, cut off the
passengers’ supply of provisions and water, though there was an ample
sufficiency of both on board. The pangs of hunger and thirst compelled
the unarmed, helpless, starving wretches to buy at exorbitant prices the
miserable fragments that the crew chose to deal out to them. Twenty
guilders for a cup of water, and fifty rix-dollars for a ship’s biscuit,
soon reduced the wealth of the most opulent among them, and completely
impoverished the poorer ones. With a fiendish atrocity almost
unparalleled in the annals of selfishness, the officers and crew
enforced their rules with impartial severity, and in a few weeks all but
a few, who had been among the wealthiest of them, were penniless.
Soon the grim skeleton starvation stared them in the face, and as day
succeeded day, the broad waters of the Atlantic closed over the remains
of those who a few weeks before had been envied for their good fortune
and their fair prospects.
At last even these wretches, whose villany no words in our language can
adequately express, became satisfied that they had got all the plunder
that was to be had, and left the ship in boats, landing perhaps on Long
Island to make their way to New York, carrying with them undoubtedly a
remorse which preyed upon their souls as hunger and thirst had gnawed at
the vitals of their hapless victims. The famished, dying remnant of the
once prosperous and happy company had no control over the ship, and she
drifted wherever wind and tide might take her. How long she drifted,
with the wintry winds whistling through her cordage, and the billows
breaking around and across her, we shall never know. We may picture to
ourselves these dying emigrants in their helpless journeying over a
waste of strange waters.
Drifting here, drifting there, land always in sight, yet always
inaccessible, some dying from weakness and despair, some from surfeit
when the crew had gone and the provisions were left unguarded, all more
or less delirious, and some raving mad. When the ship struck on Sandy
Point, the wreckers went out to her in boats and removed all the
passengers that had survived starvation, disease, and despair, except
one woman, who obstinately refused to leave the wreck. These poor,
miserable skeletons were taken to the homes of the islanders and
hospitably cared for. Edward Sands and Captain Simon Ray were at that
time the leading men on the island, and it was to their homes that most
of these unfortunate people were taken, and on a level spot of ground at
the south-west part of the island, which then formed part of Captain
Ray’s estate, are still to be seen some of the graves where those who
died here were buried. Edward Sands was Mr. Perry’s grandmother’s
great-grandfather, and when the survivors of those who were taken to his
house had sufficiently recovered to leave the island, one of them
insisted upon his accepting some memento of their gratitude for the
kindness shown to them during their stay, and gave to his little
daughter a dress pattern of India calico. Calicos or chintz patches, as
dress patterns of the Eastern calico were then called, were rare in
those days even among the wealthy classes, and a little Block Island
girl could not easily forget her first calico dress, especially when the
gift was connected with circumstances so unusual and peculiar. Mr.
Perry’s grandmother has often heard her grandmother speak of this dress,
and relate its history. This anecdote, simple and unimportant as it may
seem, has a bearing on the subject, for it disposes of the supposition
that none of the “Palatine’s” passengers ever left the island. Where
they settled, or where their descendants may be now, is one of those
mysteries that hovers like a dark cloud over the whole subject, and
seems to preclude all hope of its ever being completely unravelled. One,
and one only, of the passengers that lived to tell of their living death
on board this prison ship remained permanently on the island.
This passenger was a woman, whose original surname is not known. Her
given name was Kate, and, owing to her unusual height, she was commonly
spoken of as Long Kate, to distinguish her from another woman of the
same name who was generally known as Short Kate. Both women were more
frequently called “Cattern,” a corruption of Catherine.
Long Cattern married a coloured slave belonging to Mr. Nathaniel
Littlefield, and by him had three children,—“Cradle,” “Mary,” and
“Jennie.” These all died on the island. “Jennie” never had any children,
“Cradle” had five children, but none of them were ever married. Mary
also had a large family, but they all moved away with the exception of
two sons, whose children moved away, and a daughter Lydia, who married
and left several children, one of whom, familiarly known as “Jack,”
still lives on the island. Long Cattern had her fortune told, before she
sailed, by a seer of her native land, who prophesied that she would
marry a _very_ dark-skinned man.
The “Palatine,” it would seem, merely grounded on the extreme edge of
the point, and as the tide rose she floated off, and the wreckers making
fast to her in their boats, towed her ashore in a little bend further
down the beach now known as Breach Cove. An easterly wind springing up,
and appearances indicating that, in spite of all the efforts that could
be made, she would drive out to sea, one of the wreckers set her on
fire. The object of this act is not now apparent, but it is very
improbable that he intended to destroy the unfortunate woman who
persisted in remaining on board. No motive for such a horrible design
can be imagined, and he doubtless supposed that she could be induced to
leave the wreck, when she discovered that it had been set on fire.
That she did not do so, and that she was not removed by force, only adds
two links to the inexplicable chain of circumstances that already
perplex and embarrass us. The ship drove away into the gloom and
darkness of a stormy night while the hungry flames crawled up her spars,
crackled through her rigging, licked up the streaming cordage and
loosened sails, and settled at last to the hull, where it finished its
cruel task. So ends the material “Palatine.” So ends the life of her
last unhappy passenger. So doubtless would have ended the story of her
voyage and her wreck to the outer world at least, had it not been for
that remarkable phenomenon that has served to perpetuate her memory, and
to stimulate research into her history.
It may not be improper here to mention that there is a tradition which
states that a woman drove up on the main shore shortly after the
destruction of the “Palatine,” having on a silk petticoat, quilted in
squares, each square enclosing a doubloon. Some have supposed that this
was the woman who, though refusing to leave the burning ship, finally
chose a death by water rather than by fire.
The story, or at least the suppositious connection of it with the woman
of the burning ship, has many elements of improbability that will
readily suggest themselves.
Let us linger for a moment in imagination on the shore as the ship
recedes from sight, and picture to ourselves the weird, ghastly,
horrible scene. The beach illuminated by the light of the burning
vessel, and dotted here and there by the figures of the wreckers and
boatmen, the fierce and angry gusts of wind, carrying with them blinding
whirls of sand, the low sullen roar of the surf with its blinding spray
driven backward into the darkness, the sullen merciless billows surging
to and fro around and about the doomed ship, all united to form a
gloomy, desolate framework to the agonising picture of that one lone
figure, for whose life two great antagonistic forces of nature were
angrily contending.
Tradition tells us that her shrieks of despair and agony could be
plainly heard on the shore, growing each moment fainter and fainter,
until death or distance finally ended them.
But the year went round, and when once more
Around their foam white curves of shore
They heard the live storm rave and roar.
Behold again with shimmer and shine,
O’er the rocks and seething brine,
The flaming wreck of the “Palatine.”
Little wonder that the great sachem, with the superstitious awe common
to the Indian character, went raving mad whenever that strange light
appeared in the offing.
There are various versions of the _Palatine_ or _Fire-Ship_ story, but
the facts collected by Mr. Perry are undoubtedly the most authentic. The
names of many respectable people, natives of Block Island and others,
are in our possession who have declared that they had frequently
witnessed the appearance of a burning ship off the shores of the island,
and there are very few of its inhabitants who do not believe in the
romantic legend. Several persons have attempted to account for the
phenomenon on scientific principles. One of them, Dr. Aaron C. Willes,
who was formerly a prominent physician on Block Island, wrote a letter
in 1811, in which he asserted that he had seen this radiance himself a
number of times, and after describing its peculiarities, but without
hazarding any speculations, he makes this remark:—“The cause of this
roving brightness is a curious subject for philosophical investigation.
Some perhaps will suppose it depends upon a peculiar modification of
electricity; others upon the inflammation of hydrogenous gas. But there
are probably many other means, unknown to us, by which light may be
devolved from those materials with which it is latently associated by
the power of chemical affinities.”
A full account of the shipwrecks that have happened on its shores would
take more space than we can now spare. During the last twenty years,
however, there have been not less than sixty, and the records show that
they have been quite frequent during all the years of the present
century. The loss of property has of course been great, but the lives
lost have not been as numerous as some would imagine. In 1805 a ship
called the “Ann Hope” came ashore on the south side, and three lives
were lost; in 1807 the ship “John Davies” was purposely driven ashore by
the captain, when the steward was murdered for fear that he would tell
tales. Not long afterwards three vessels came ashore in one night, but
no lives lost except those of one captain and his son, whose bodies were
washed ashore, clasped in each other’s arms.
In 1830 “The Warrior,” a passenger packet running between Boston and New
York, and accompanied by another vessel of the same line, anchored off
Sandy Point one evening in a calm. During the night the wind sprung up,
leaving both vessels on a lee shore. The other vessel got under way, and
went out, signalling “The Warrior” to follow, but it is supposed the
watch on board “The Warrior” were asleep, and when they awoke, such a
gale of wind was raging that they could not get under way, and that
morning she dragged her anchors and went ashore, and every soul on board
was lost. The captain, who was an expert swimmer, got ashore, and
brought his little boy with him; but the child’s hat blowing off, he ran
back after it, and the sea coming in rapidly, they were both lost.
The wreck of the steamship “Metis” off the shores of Watch Hill during
the latter part of August 1872, is well remembered, together with the
fearful suffering and loss of life there sustained. During the morning
of August 31st the drift from the wreck commenced driving up on the west
shore of Block Island. A large amount of the drift consisted of fruit
and other articles of a perishable nature. The property was carted up in
heaps on the beach. There were many cartloads of tea, soap, flour, boxes
of butter, cheese, kegs of lard and tobacco, barrels of liquors, crates
of peaches, boxes of lemons, barrels of apples, cases of dry goods,
boxes of picture-frame mouldings, and a large quantity of drift wood,
broken furniture, and general debris.
A large, fine-looking horse was washed up with the halter still fastened
to the stanchion to which he was tied. About twelve o’clock on the same
night the body of an infant, apparently about six months old, was found,
and immediately carried to a house near, when a coffin was procured, and
the next day the child was buried. The night clothing which was upon the
child was carefully preserved for identification; but its father nor
mother never came to shed a tear over the little grave, as they had
probably gone down with the ill-fated vessel.
Two life-saving stations have been recently built upon the island, one
at its eastern extremity, and the other at the western. These stations
are supplied with mortars for throwing lines across shipwrecked vessels,
and with life-boats calculated to ride out safely any sea that may be
raised, and all other necessary apparatus for rescuing the lives of
mariners who may be wrecked upon the shores.
The buildings will furnish shelter, lodging, and victuals to those who
may be unfortunate enough to be wrecked upon the island. During the
winter season and stormy weather, a crew of six men to each station is
in constant readiness to render any assistance necessary. They are
divided into three reliefs, and two reliefs are on duty at all hours
through the winter season, circling the island every night in their
beat, on the watch for accidents and wrecks. The crews consist of men
who are hardy, well used to the sea in all its phases, and ready to do
and dare anything for the relief of any unfortunate mariner or passenger
who may need their assistance upon the exposed coasts of the island.
These stations are not calculated, nor are they provided with apparatus
for saving the vessels and property which may be stranded, but this work
is done very effectually by companies which are known as “wrecking
gangs,” of which there are two made up of the island people.
Each of these companies own apparatus, consisting of ponderous anchors,
ropes, chains, life-boats, and lighters, for the purpose of hauling the
stranded vessel from the shore into deep water, or of unloading its
cargo, thereby saving all of the wreck possible, and generally,
eventually succeeding in buoying up the wreck sufficiently to float her
clear from the bottom, and finally into some safe port.
The stories and legends of the wreckers, so often told and written, are
calculated to leave very erroneous impressions of the humane exertions
of the wrecking bands scattered at intervals along our whole Atlantic
coast. Although many of these bands have become quite wealthy in their
avocation, it is just as true that they have saved millions upon
millions of dollars to the owners of wrecked property, which, without
the aid of the bold wrecker, would have been entirely lost. There being
two “gangs” upon the island, it naturally follows that considerable
rivalry exists between them, which redounds to the advantage of the
owners of any vessel which chances to become a wreck on the coast.
Upon notice being received that a vessel has come ashore, that is, has
run too near the land by mistaking the different lights along the coast
during the night, or driven by storm to the shore, when the weather was
so thick that the coast could not be seen, great exertions are used by
the rival parties to be first aboard the wrecked vessel, and very great
risks are often run by the first boat’s crew who reaches the wreck, if
the surf runs high, as it usually does. This boat takes a line with it,
leaving one end upon shore, and on arrival at the wrecked vessel the
other end is made fast, so that by means of the strong line a
comparatively safe transit can be made to and from the vessel to the
shore, though generally at the expense of a thorough drenching every
time the attempt is made.
After first removing the crew of the unfortunate vessel to safe
quarters, if occasion requires, the question of saving the cargo and
vessel is entered into. The wrecking party that first boards the vessel
is generally considered as having the chances in its favour of procuring
a contract for saving all the property possible, and hauling the vessel
off the shore and into some safe harbour. A contract is regularly drawn
up and agreed to by the captain of the unfortunate vessel and the
captain of the wrecking party, who has finally procured the job upon the
best terms possible. The wreckers are usually allowed one-half of all
the cargo, rigging, spars, etc., that they succeed in saving, and a
certain definite sum of money for taking the vessel into port, varying
from four hundred to two thousand dollars.[3] If the vessel has sprung a
leak so badly that the pumps cannot clear the water faster than it comes
in, it is usual, after the cargo is removed, to place empty casks,
tightly stopped, under her decks and round her sides, fastened below the
water in sufficient number to buoy her up when hauled off into deep
water.
[3] The wreckers usually have one-half the cargo and _“matériel” which
they land at the island_, and the sum paid for getting the vessel into
port varies too much to attempt any statement. One hundred to five
thousand dollars would not cover the extremes.
From shipwrecks to religion the transition is not only natural, but
should be profitable, and so a little information on the churches of
Block Island will not be out of place in this paper. There are two
church societies, and two churches. They are both of the Baptist
persuasion, and founded in 1772; prior to 1818 they were united, but
about that time one Enoch Rose dissented from some existing opinions,
whereupon a “war of the roses” was commenced, which ended in two
parties, the Associate and the Freewill Baptists; and whether this rosy
war was any more beneficial than some others of like character, is a
question that cannot now be settled. One thing, however, may be asserted
with safety, and that is, that the islanders are a church-going people,
and have generally been fortunate in having good and capable men as
religious teachers. During the summer of 1875 an extensive eating-house
was established at the harbour for the convenience of transient
visitors, the keeper of which was an ex-preacher, who took delight in
devoting his establishment to religious services on Sundays.
Block Island is entirely without wild animals,—not even a rabbit nor a
wood-chuck will even appear to startle the tourist on his rounds. The
traditionary lore has gone so far that the oldest inhabitant once saw a
fox, but that individual was found to have come over from Point Judith
on floating ice in a severe winter. Thanks to St. Patrick, there are no
snakes, but any number of toads and frogs. Wild-fowl, such as geese,
brant ducks, and others, were once numerous in the spring and autumn,
stopping here to rest while migrating, but they have been frightened
away by the roar of civilisation, which has already got thus far out to
sea. Loons in large numbers sometimes winter in the bay that lies
between Clay Head and the harbour. They arrive in the autumn, soon lose
their wing-feathers, when they are, for several weeks, unable to fly,
and can only escape from their enemies by diving; and it is a singular
circumstance, that in the winter a great many hundred of them were once
caught by a field of floating ice, and driven towards the shore, where
they were easily killed by the native sportsmen.
The fish of Block Island, as already intimated, are numerous and of the
best quality: the cod is the most abundant and valuable; the blue-fish
are large, and afford superb sport during the summer and autumn, and
sometimes giving full employment at once to a fleet of fifty sails; and
to those who will take the trouble to hunt for them, the striped bass,
black-fish, chiquit, herring, flounder, paugy, sea-bass, perch, the
common and Spanish mackerel, may be taken in great quantities during
their several seasons.
That Block Island was once covered with a heavy forest, is proven by
many evidences; and two or three houses are still standing whose massive
timbers were made from trees grown on the island. The numerous bogs are
said to have a deep foundation of decayed forests. The existing trees,
however, to be found on the island are few and far between, and without
an exception these have been planted, and are cultivated with jealous
care.
And now, leaving these to flourish as best they may, as well as many
other interesting things undescribed that we might mention about this
very charming island, we must hasten to conclude this screed.
Of public characters, or rather benefactors, Block Island has had two.
One of them, John Card, established the first house of entertainment on
the island many years ago; and the other, Nicholas Ball, is the owner
to-day of a large and admirably-conducted hotel, and by the
distinguished Professor Joseph Henry, was justly named the “King” of the
island. Another of its noted natives was one William P. Shiffield, who
was at one time a Representative in Congress, but who long ago removed
to the main shore, where he acquired fame and fortune as a lawyer.
A STORY OF A MODERN MARINER
RELATED BY HIMSELF.
I have it from the undoubted authority of my parents, that I was born at
sea, off Cape Hatteras, on the 28th of December 1807, on board the brig
“Wepeawauge,” of Milford, Connecticut. My father, who was a worthy and
virtuous man, commanded the brig, and, could he have foreseen at that
time the glories which awaited his sea-born son, I imagine that I might
possibly have found a premature resting-place in the bottom of the Gulf
Stream. Be that as it may, I survived, and the loud howling of the
tempest which heralded me into this breathing world passed away, and
left me an inheritance of squalls which sadly tried my mother’s kind
temper for several years afterwards.
The first of my childish exploits which I remember, happened before I
had attained the age of two years. It occurred when my parents lived on
the eastern banks of the Housatonic, and consisted in my walking off the
wharf where the water was about three fathoms deep. But I was
unfortunately fished up by my father, and the gallows apparently was
allowed its undisputed claims. I also remember that, after this attempt
at suicide, I lighted a basket of shavings in the kitchen, where I had
been imprudently left by my mother, and nothing but my screams of
delight prevented the house from becoming a pile of smouldering ruins.
At the commencement of the last war with Great Britain, my father moved
his family to a pleasant village eastward of the Housatonic. He had
command at that time of a brig called the “St. Joseph,” and having
unfortunately landed a lot of contraband goods, they were confiscated,
and he was ruined. In his extremity he took a berth as mate on board a
privateer, called the “Chasseur,” Captain William Barry. While on a
short cruise they fell in with the English ship “St. Lawrence,” and
captured her after a fight of fifteen minutes. Several other prizes were
secured, and for a time our family was comfortably off; but we
subsequently endured privations that were cruel and of rare occurrence
in a country like New England. When my father was supposed to be well
off, and used to bring home quantities of fruit and other good things
from the West Indies, we had more kind relations and friends than you
could shake a stick at; but now that we were poor, they were as hard to
find as a needle in a haystack. Untaught and alone, even in those days,
I formed my estimation of the value of too many relations, and
particularly that class termed cousins, or more properly speaking
_cozeners_; and I have never had occasion to change my views since then.
At length the rude shafts of adversity were turned aside, and brighter
days began to appear. In the eighth year of my age I was sent to the
village academy, and permitted to play with the children of
_respectable_ parents. That was about my only privilege. My father was
still poor, and by our Christian preceptor I was neglected and treated
unkindly; rated as a numskull and behind the other boys in everything
that was good, and ahead of them in every species of mischief. My master
called me a rascal, and the maiden ladies of the village, by their
tongues, burnt the foul slanders upon the public mind. This business
lasted for several years. Then it was that my father became engaged in
the transportation of the United States mail, and at our home, which was
really a tavern, boarded many of the drivers; and as these men were not
noted for their virtuous conduct, it may be imagined that I was not much
benefited by their companionship about the stables. I was early taught
the principles of Christianity; but never to this day have I been able
to forgive the cruel task-master who did all he could to injure me in
the old academy, and, as he was the cause of all my troubles, I resolved
to become a sailor, and live far away from all these disagreeable scenes
and associations. After saving all my pocket-money for about six months,
and having a purse of forty-five dollars, I secretly made a bargain with
the captain of a small West India vessel, in a neighbouring seaport, and
between two days left the paternal roof. Although I did not know it at
the time, the captain of the vessel was my father’s friend, and the
truth was my worthy parent knew all about my plans, but did not think
proper to interfere. He had given his consent to my going, but with the
stipulation that I should be treated with the utmost rigour. We made a
voyage to Martinique, and the captain treated me like a son; but during
our winter trip homeward, which lasted one hundred days, we suffered
much from cold and the want of provisions, but safely returned to New
Haven, and on being warmly welcomed home, was told that I need never
attend the academy again.
Whilst on board the schooner in which I made my first voyage, I became
very intimate with a messmate named Joe Beebe. He was the spoiled son of
a good old Connecticut deacon, and while the father stood in mortal fear
of the devil, the son cared very little for that personage. And the
former was a very mean man also. In the winter, when oxen could draw on
the sled twice what they could on wheels in summer, the deacon was in
the habit of cutting wood for the market, and he actually employed one
man to assist him at the expense of forty cents per cord, paying for the
labour in pork and grain. One day, with the view of keeping his son out
of mischief, he told him to go into the frog swamp and cut fire-wood,
and that he might have one-half of the proceeds. Joe went to work, cold
weather set in, the snow drifted, and the deacon got a bad cold. On his
recovery, after a fortnight or so, he visited his wood lot, and found it
entirely cleared, the trees were gone, and so was the wood, and also the
money that had been received by the naughty boy. A cleaner job than that
was never performed. I helped Joe in the wood lot, and took the place of
the father in disbursing the money. The moral of this story is not what
it should be, but it exhibits the old-fashioned manner of doing business
in the land of steady habits.
Deacon Beebe was in the habit of fattening his own beef; and in the fall
his cattle were killed and the beef salted down, and the hides of the
defunct cattle were carefully dried upon long slender poles. After that
commenced the business of collecting his little debts, and on one
Saturday afternoon he received the sum of five hundred dollars in silver
and gold. It was too late to bank it, and so he carefully put it away in
his desk. On Sunday morning he was afflicted with a headache, and could
not attend the meeting. After everybody but himself had gone to the
house of prayer, and his own house was still, he took out his bag of
shining treasure, and fearing some error, proceeded to examine and count
it with care. Hardly had he finished this pleasing task when he heard a
curious scraping in the chimney, and immediately afterwards a terrible
bellowing. He was petrified with fear, and while gazing into the large
open fireplace, he saw the tail of a brindled ox that he had slain, and
in an instant more the veritable body, as he thought, of his departed
friend. Dropping his gold, he rushed forth to tell his neighbours that
he had seen the devil, and the whole place was fearfully agitated with
his story. That was Joe Beebe’s second piece of rascality. And if I had
anything to do with this business, it was only in helping Joe as he went
down the chimney with the skin of the brindled ox.
Not long after Deacon Beebe had caught his first sight of the devil,
another noted personage in our village enjoyed a similar experience.
This was a maiden lady of considerable antiquity, and one, too, who had
done much to blacken my character. Her name was Tabitha, and one winter
afternoon I saw her, dressed in a new black silk gown, coming down the
street on her way to spend the evening with a friend of the same kidney.
She bore down with the wind astern, and her studding-sails set on both
sides, alow and aloft. Arriving at her place of destination, she
rounded-to and made a harbour. What then transpired the deponent saith
not. But a youngster about my size procured a pair of box-shears from my
father’s tools, and after nightfall, with the assistance of a friend,
wrapped himself and a broom handle in a white horse-blanket, and
ambushed himself on the road which Tabitha must pass on her way home.
About ten o’clock she appeared with a big head of steam on, took the
wind dead ahead, and a young gale was howling its requiem for the
departing year. She braced sharp up in the wind’s eye, her head bent
down, and her new silk dress rattling away to a noisy tune. On reaching
a certain spot where the trees came together, on the edge of a swamp,
and which had long been talked about as a haunted place, she suddenly
encountered a gigantic figure in white. A great commotion ensued, the
thing in white vanished in the swamp, aunt Tabitha reached home almost
dead with fright, everything all right and in its place, with the single
exception of a large piece from the skirt of her long silk dress. For
some time silence prevailed among the gossips of the town, until one
morning the abstracted part of aunt Tabitha’s dress was found nailed on
the church door, and everybody said that all this was the work of a
ghost.
The next step in my important life was to enter Yale College, which I
did against my will, and passed my examination by the skin of my teeth.
I disliked the rules of the college, and young as I was I felt my
incompetency to become anything more than a country schoolmaster, and
that was a trade I could not endure. As for the pulpit, I was as fit for
that as a certain place mentioned in Scripture is for a powder-house. I
felt myself to be too honest and kind-hearted to be a lawyer; and as to
pharmacy, I might possibly have got along by not killing more than a
proper allowance of patients. In less than three months after becoming
an official _freshman_, I took the lead in a kind of gunpowder plot, and
was duly expelled from college, thereby saving many a hard dollar for my
father’s purse.
It having been proven that the paths of literature were not for my feet,
I was sent to the city of New York to become a merchant. I obtained a
position as clerk with a Quaker gentleman, who was a ship chandler. He
was a good man, but quite as fond of money as those who do not wear drab
coats and breeches. I was attentive to business, won his confidence, and
in less than six months I acted as his book-keeper. At the end of a year
I began to dress like a fop or a fool, and went to a dancing academy,
and of course considered myself a greater man than my master. One day,
when alone in the store, a man suddenly made his appearance, and telling
me that “Old Hayes,” the sheriff, was after him, asked that he might
hide himself in some corner for a short time. I could not refuse the
appeal, and told him to get into the oakum bin, which he did. Presently
the sheriff made his appearance, and went away as wise as he came. After
hearing the story of the runaway, that he was the commander of a
privateer of sixteen guns, then lying in the East River, and that he was
bound to Buenos Ayres, I became interested in him. After the store was
closed, I hunted up my most intimate friend, Jim Williams, who lived in
Brooklyn, whose father was an old friend of my father, and introduced
him to the captain. We three went down to Whitehall, and with a small
boat boarded the privateer. We had a good time, talked over some new
plans, and returned to the shore. For several weeks, on account of some
troubles, the vessel remained at her mooring. Jim and I had often talked
about going to sea in the privateer, and when we decided to do so, we
made an arrangement, with much difficulty, with the captain, who advised
us against the step. But we soon quietly left our places of employment,
and with our traps duly went on board the vessel. We sailed for Buenos
Ayres, and from there we went upon a cruise. Our crew consisted mostly
of Americans, but we had a few English and Dutch on board—the majority
from New York city and vicinity. We shortly visited the island of St.
Helena, for what purpose I do not positively know, but I suppose to get
the news. This was about eight months before the death of Napoleon
Bonaparte. The captain took Jim and me on shore to Jamestown, and up to
the Emperor’s residence. We had a fair sight of the great warrior, who
appeared no way displeased at our staring at him. He was more corpulent
than I expected to find him, and he seemed to have a prematurely old
appearance. He looked like anything else but the being before whom the
whole of Europe had trembled.
About a month after leaving St. Helena, we fell in with and captured the
polacre “Amigo Hidalgo,” a letter-of-marque, with fourteen guns. My
feelings were very queer before going into action, and the Lord’s Prayer
I repeated frequently, vowing that if I got clear this time I would “cow
out,” and return home. We did up the business in about one hour. We lost
three men killed, and seven were wounded, and the prize we sent to
Buenos Ayres. In the course of two years we took thirteen prizes.
The last action that our schooner was engaged in I will now describe. It
was the 19th day of November 1823, and we were on the coast of Spain,
seeking whom we might devour. At daylight we were in the midst of a
fleet of merchantmen we had been looking for. We had heard they were
convoyed by only a sloop of war, and we carried three of them before the
convoy arrived. She was a brig of twenty-two guns, and had a ship with
her of equal force. They deceived us somehow, and we were cornered, and
so we went at it for full dues. We fought for about fifty minutes,
causing both the brig and ship to haul off, they being much more damaged
than we were. We lay in sight of the town of Algesiras, near Gibraltar.
The wind died away, and we remained three or four hours repairing
damages. About one o’clock we saw a vessel coming out of the Spanish
harbour, bringing a breeze with her, and she proved to be a corvette of
twenty-eight guns. Escape was now out of the question, so the grog tub
was brought on deck, and we prepared for action. We welcomed the enemy
with three cheers, and commenced our music, which she returned with
equal spirit. We came so near together that our guns almost touched, and
for a while the two vessels seemed enveloped in one huge blaze. We
finally obtained the weather-gage of her, when she wore, and we raked
her fore and aft three times. Being satisfied, she hauled upon her wind
and ran in for the shore, and we followed; she grounded; the men took to
the small boats, and we returned. Our craft was very badly cut up;
seventeen of our brave fellows lay dead upon the gratings, and
twenty-seven were badly wounded. There was not a man or boy on board who
had not been somewhat hurt. One of my cronies was struck by a shot when
standing close by me; his vitals were torn out, and I was almost blinded
by the blood that flew in my face, and, I must say, I thought it was all
over with me. I was wounded in two places below the knee, one of which
was bleeding profusely. I felt a little sick, and everything looked dark
to me, and I rolled over in the blood and dirt, wholly unconscious of
the glory of my position. I had fainted from loss of blood. When
consciousness returned I found myself in the cockpit, with the surgeon
and his assistants standing by, as bloody as a lot of butchers. A ball
in my leg was cut out, and I was soon ready to try my luck again, and my
friend Jim Williams got off about as well as I did. Our vessel put into
Gibraltar, right under the guns of the English; here we repaired
damages, and shipped enough men to make eighty-one, all told.
In December 1823, Gibraltar was visited by one of the most terrible
gales ever known there. More than a hundred vessels were lost. Amongst
the rest we parted our cables and drifted on the Spanish shore, directly
under a small fort, where our vessel, the “General Soublette,” went to
pieces. While we were struggling in the water some Spanish troops opened
fire upon us, and they would have murdered the whole of us had not the
British troops interfered. We were all made prisoners, put in irons, and
carried to the fort—forty-one of us, including the captain, being
placed in one room, and the others scattered in different apartments.
Our irons were inspected every two hours, and the people came to stare
at our window grating as if we had been a show. We had no beds, but were
huddled together on a stone floor. One of the men who fed us was a
Frenchman, and he and the captain became quite intimate. In a few days
it was whispered that there was a polacre not far off, loaded with
jerked beef and wines, and that if we could only surprise the men in the
fort, we might get clear. By special arrangements several boats were
ready on the beach. When the proper time came the captain gave the
watchword, “Soublette and Liberty,” when we made a rush, and after much
trouble, the majority of our crew, including friend Williams, got away
and on board the polacre. One shot from the fort struck our vessel in
the tafferel, and in thirty-five days from that time we were safely
moored in the port of Buenos Ayres. Among the poor fellows that we were
obliged to leave with the Spaniards was one of my particular friends.
After hearing nothing about him for thirty years, I fell in with him in
1853 at Monte Video, where he was staying, not living. He was then the
mere remains of a once likely man. He was known among the Americans who
visited the place as _Poco Roco_. All arguments were useless to persuade
him to return home. His widowed mother was living in 1857, and when I
visited her, she told me that she was well off, and that she would give
all her property to her self-exiled son if he would only return to make
her happy. But he is still a lonely wanderer on a foreign shore.
After remaining a few weeks in Buenos Ayres, where we had a first-rate
time, our captain obtained a new vessel, about the size of the
“Soublette,” and we were soon cruising along the southern coast of Cuba
and in the Carribean Sea. We were in sight also of Porto Cabello, when
the decisive battle was fought there between the patriots and the royal
troops of Spain. I obtained many particulars of the fight, but this is
not the place to write about them. The royal troops were beaten, and
they surrendered, the slaughter having been dreadful. But the fort that
protected the city would not give up until its commander should hear
from Spain. It was then besieged, and held out for three months. An
order finally came to capitulate, but it came too late, for now the
patriots would show no mercy. In the rear of this fort the garrison,
consisting of four hundred men, had cut a passage through, underground,
into a ravine: the aperture was just large enough to admit one man.
Through it the hunters used to go and kill what they could, and return
at night with food for their comrades, and this was kept up during the
whole siege. At the time of the surrender, each man belonging to the
garrison was driven into this passage and murdered. Some years
afterwards I visited this fort. It stands in a spot almost impregnable,
and it was with difficulty that we could clamber into it. There were the
muskets of the Spaniards, standing in stacks, partly eaten up with rust,
and the heavy guns remained as they were left after the battle.
Everything was in a state of ruin, and I believe the patriots forbore to
move anything, concluding to let the fort remain as a monument of
vengeance or perhaps of patriotic humanity.
In March 1824, we were on the coast of Cuba, and near Trinidad de Cuba
we fell in with a Spanish letter-of-marque carrying ten guns. We pitched
in, fought hard for about an hour, and carried her by boarding. None of
our men were killed, but seventeen were wounded, and I received a
cutlass gash over my eyes. Her crew in reality did not surrender; they
were the bravest Spaniards we had ever met.
From a man on board this vessel we heard that a Spanish war-brig had
been ordered to Havana with one million and a half of dollars, to pay
the Spanish troops in Cuba. So, taking only a few things from our prize,
and not wishing to be bothered with prisoners nor to weaken our force by
manning her, we allowed her to proceed. And then we started for that lot
of shiners which bore the stamp of “_Dei gratia_.” When abreast of
Cardenas we descried a brig steering in the direction of Havana. We made
chase, fired a shot, but she would not stop. We fired again and injured
her main top-mast, but she still kept ahead of the wind. She, as in duty
bound, kept on, amusing us by making jobs for our sail-makers, when
suddenly we saw her making signals, and then we sighted _Moro Castle_.
We chased the brig so near the _Moro_, that some of the castle’s shot
told over us, when we bade her adieu, and hauled off out of harm’s way.
At daylight, on a fine April morning, we were off Mariel, becalmed.
Around us was some greasy water and a lot of wine bottles, with other
evidence that we were not the only inhabitants in the world, and we were
in a thick fog. When that cleared away we saw several things that we did
not expect to see. The first was the rock-bound coast of Cuba, about
eight miles away; and then immediately in our vicinity, two Spanish
frigates, one sloop of war, and two corvettes, and—we were captured.
Thus ended my career of glory as a pirate. We were taken to Havana and
locked up in that mortal hell, the Moro Castle. Admiral La Borde, whose
squadron had captured us, was a truly brave man, and as generous as he
was brave. He complimented our captain, of whose exploits he had heard,
and did not permit anything to be taken from us but our knives. Jim
Williams and I had about nine hundred dollars in gold, and not a penny
of it was touched. The only trouble was that we had to live six upon
four—that is, six men were obliged to live upon the allowance of four,
and Spanish rations at that,—garlic and fish; and we had no beds but
the stone floors. Here we remained, eighty-eight of us, for nine weeks,
when La Borde obtained our discharge on parole. We were told to go where
we pleased, and so our captain, Jim, and myself took our bags and
obtained a passage at Havana on board the schooner “Agnes,” which took
us to Laguira. From that place we returned to Havana, and there we
shipped for Charleston, South Carolina, and thence to New York, where we
arrived in time to see the good La Fayette.
And now for a parting reflection on this wild life. I have been an
outlaw, I was with outlaws, and became acquainted with the private
history of the greater part of them; and as a halter had a strong claim
upon this very humble servant, I whiled away many an hour in tracing the
lives of the most talented among them. The mainspring of their crimes,
as was the case with myself, consisted in the fact that they had been
the victims of denunciation and slander. Denunciation never yet
protected the innocent, confirmed the wavering, or recovered the
falling. That spirit of ferocity which breaks the bruised reed, partakes
more of relentless pride than virtuous disapprobation. When repentant
guilt trembled before Him whose divine example is our guide, no
malediction fell from His lips. His absolving injunction was, “Go and
sin no more.” That brief injunction conveys more good, more true good,
than all the hell and brimstone sermons which ever issued from the
combined pulpits of the world. That I have been a pirate is admitted.
Men talk about the horrors of slavery, of the slave trade, of
intemperance, of stealing, of murder, of arson, and yet some kind of
excuse may possibly be given for each of these crimes; but this is not
so with the one crime that is common in every community—I mean the
crime of slander. Want and suffering may tempt a man to rob or murder;
revenge may find an excuse for its depraved conduct; but not one word
can be offered in defence of slander, the meanest, most cowardly,
mischievous, and cruel vice in the world. It has no favours to confer
upon its votary excepting the demoniacal pleasure of seeing others
suffer innocently. I speak strongly, perhaps, but I have suffered from
this curse of what is called genteel society, and I cannot mince my
words. As Shakespeare says—
“Slander lives upon succession;
For ever housed where it once gets possession.”
On our arrival in New York, Jim Williams and I were in great
tribulation. We wanted to see our parents, but were afraid, and expected
to receive what cannot be bought at the apothecaries. While taking up
our traps to a house near Peck Slip, we seriously thought of putting off
to sea again, but before doing that we thought we would call upon my old
Quaker employer. I had raised heavy whiskers, and he did not recognise
me. I called for some sail needles, and after he had mentioned the
price, I pointed at the private mark, and said one hundred per cent.
profit was rather high. To this he replied, “What, sir! do you know my
private mark?” I told him that I did, and that he had given it to me
himself. Soon after that he shook me by the hand, but said nothing about
his high prices. He then told me that my father had been at his store
only a week before, and had given me over as dead, but was still very
anxious about me.
After that interview Jim and I had a confab, and we determined to go at
once to his father’s house in Brooklyn. To do this I had no objection,
because I had not yet forgotten that my messmate once had a pretty
sister. As we approached the house his courage failed him, and while he
stopped at a grocery store, I went ahead to explore. I knocked, got in,
and a young lady, who was sewing by a window, very soon had her hands in
mine, if not her arms around my neck. Her first inquiry was for her
brother, and I told her he was all right, and gave her a kiss with my
news. A part of this scene was witnessed by Captain Williams, and he
came into the room looking as black as thunder, but when he saw who I
was, and that Jim was at hand, he at once became genial. Jim was
forthwith brought in, and his parents and all hands were very happy. The
next day the captain took us over to New York, gave each of us a set of
rigging and the time of day in our pockets, and as Jim and I agreed to
consort together for the future, and the captain was obliged to visit
Philadelphia on business, my good friend and his sister were packed off
for the banks of the Housatonic. We went up the Sound in a sloop, and at
my own father’s house was enacted another scene like that we had figured
in at Brooklyn.
This return home was an era in my life. The joy of my parents and
sisters and brother, the congratulations of friends, the kind and
beneficent advice of the aged pastor of the Episcopal Church (which my
parents always attended), and other delightful circumstances have
impressed themselves on my memory in characters which the intervening
years have only brightened instead of diminishing. I am now descending
the hill of life, and of that circle of affectionate ones, my one sister
and my brother are all that remain on this side of the grave. Since
death snatched away those loved ones of my home, _as well as one who did
not then bear our family name_, I have felt myself to be an isolated and
lonely man amongst a generation, many of whom were unborn when the
aforesaid events occurred.
For six weeks after my arrival on the Housatonic, Jim and I enjoyed
ourselves shooting and fishing, and during that time Captain Williams
and wife made us a short visit. Winter was approaching, and when our
visitors returned to Brooklyn I went with them. The very next day, as
Jim and I were walking on the Battery in New York, we were accosted by a
merchant, whose name I must not give, who was deeply engaged in the
affairs of the sloop of war “Bolivar,” of twenty-two guns, and commanded
by a man from near the Housatonic. We were offered commissions, which,
like fools, we accepted, and each received two hundred dollars for
quieting our _parole_ consciences. The “Bolivar” was suspected of
illegally enticing men on board, and she was ordered away from the foot
of Rooseveldt Street, and soon after out of the waters of the United
States. For three days we stood off and on at Sandy Hook, receiving
reinforcements from two Egg Harbour coasters. The United States cutter
“Honduras” crossed our path, and we gave her a broadside, and then put
out to sea. We ran down to Block Island, where we expected to receive
some more precious fools like ourselves. Jim and I now began to doubt.
We were of the crew who went ashore to get the new men, and while the
officer in command went up to see about the business, we pretended to go
off in another direction after some rum. Soon as we were out of sight,
we made the best of our way to the south part of the island, and there
secreted ourselves in a barn. We soon heard a gun, and coming out on a
hill, we saw the “Bolivar” booming it off southward. That was the last
we ever saw of this vessel; but from what we afterwards read in an
English paper, we concluded that she had been captured and burned as a
pirate off the Western Islands by a Spanish frigate. From Block Island
we took a pilot boat, and boarding a packet from Boston, returned to New
York.
About that time there was a ship launched called the “Great Britain,”
and with the exception of the “Washington,” was deemed the largest and
finest merchantman owned in the country. Her burthen was seven hundred
and sixty-three tons, and her captain was an old friend of my father and
was acquainted with Captain Williams. Winter was at hand, and we had
been cruising along the equator; but we faced the music, and both went
before the mast on the “Great Britain,” and made a voyage to Havre. We
suffered much from the cold, but did our duty manfully, and were
complimented by the captain. Jim and I were both pathetic, and wrote
home to our parents that we would never go to sea again. Our return
voyage was even more uncomfortable than the outward. On the banks of
Newfoundland we encountered a terrible gale, which caused us to heave-to
under a close-reefed main-topsail. A heavy sea was running, and we first
loosed the topsail, then squared the yards and kept the ship on her
course. We shipped three tremendous seas directly over the tafferel,
washed away both round houses, stove a hole in the cabin, and broke the
thighs of our leading steersman. The ship came to the wind, and the fore
tack parted, and converted our foresail into the nautical adornment
which seamen call “ribbons,” and although this business lasted three
days, we sustained no serious damage. On our arrival in New York the
ship hauled in for repairs, and with our chests Jim and I went over to
his father’s house. I had written a letter to Jim’s sister, which she
kept to herself, and, for some reason or other, my feelings toward her
were queer. She treated me kindly. I read Lord Chesterfield, and began
to be polite, and actually wrote some sentimental verses. They were very
touching, and had they been read by any lady’s lapdog, having the least
claim to dog sense, he would have sickened and jumped out of the window
to avoid hydrophobia. But my poetical powers were admired, and I admired
my lady. I had just been reading his Lordship’s advice that “if a man
notoriously insults you, knock him down,” when it occurred to me that I
had lately been insulted by the mate of a vessel at a store in New York,
this man having made game of my polite manners. I met him and struck
him, but the brute would not fall down. He then struck me on the side of
my pericranium and I did fall down, when he applied his dirty boots to
my seat of honour, and I involuntarily left the shop where we had met.
As I gathered little glory from this transaction, I accounted for the
bump on my sconce by talking about the miserable main hatchway of the
“Great Britain.”
It was now almost the pleasant spring-time, and while Jim’s father took
him to a farm near Babylon, on Long Island, I squatted down on the banks
of the Housatonic, resolved also to become a farmer, and like many
another spoiled child, scratch the face of my dear mother for a living.
And now that I was a farmer in prospective, I considered myself as
legally entitled to the use of horse-flesh, and consequently the
universal cry, from mothers, pretty girls, old maids with shrivelled
muzzles, and young men about town, was, Behold how he drives! My father
was blamed for not stopping me in my madness; and as for the poor
horses, I believe if they had been gifted with speech, I should have
received more imprecations than were showered upon Balaam by his ass.
The time at length arrived when vegetation began to show itself, and I
was to receive my introductory lesson in the garden. And for this I was
prepared, for I had procured Cobbet’s “Gardener,” had become a
subscriber to the “New England Farmer,” had also bought a new spade,
hoe, shovel, rake, lines, etc., and was very near purchasing the entire
stock of an itinerant vendor of Quaker garden seeds. At length the
morning of trial arrived, and until sunset I worked as if my life
depended on my exertions. For one week, three days, and a quarter, did I
persevere with a resolution that has since astonished me. The day which
I credit with only one quarter was broken into by the arrival of Jim
Williams from New York, with whom I went upon a frolic, which lasted
several days, during which time the pigs got into my garden and rooted
up everything, and a lot of cows destroyed my young fruit trees, and in
less than a week after this I was again ready for
“A life on the ocean wave.”
On his farm Jim stayed two days, but, as he said, he could not stand
their cracked corn, salt horse, and cabbage, and so he parted from his
agricultural friends near Babylon. It was Jim’s opinion that barnacles
would be worn by ladies for ornaments before we could be made farmers.
Then it was that Jim’s sister came down to make my sister another visit,
and for a week we had a great time together. He was a shrewd fellow, and
gave it as his opinion that I was in love with his sister. He told me I
was deranged, and she told him it was _arranged_; he said I was as blind
as a parson besieged by a beggar, but I replied that I was one of the
beggars who choose to be choosers. It was indeed arranged, and how I
came to the point I will very briefly mention. It was Sunday, and, after
a walk on Milford Beech, we had seated ourselves on some dry sea-weed on
a rock. I had just uttered about three heavy sighs, and my lady could
not but see that there was the devil and turn-up-jack in the matter. I
felt something in my throat like a thirty-two pounder. She asked me if I
felt badly about the garden. I told her no! very decidedly no! and my
face was as long as a sick pig’s. She asked me if I was sick, and I
replied, “No—yes—not very,” and then I out with it, and
“She loved me for the dangers I had passed,
And I loved her that she did pity them.”
In less than a week after this interview, Jim and your humble servant
were again on board the “Great Britain,” bound to Liverpool.
Among our passengers, when homeward bound, was Clara Fisher, the
celebrated actress of that day, accompanied by her mother. It was my
good fortune to become quite a favourite with this lady, and from a very
small circumstance. We had just left the “Chops of the Channel,” when a
sudden squall of rain came up one afternoon, and surprised Miss Fisher
at her needle-work outside of her cabin. In her haste to escape the
shower, she dropped a string of gold beads behind a spar, which remained
unperceived until the next morning. I discovered them just before they
would have been washed out of the scuppers. They were rich and
beautiful, and for an instant I thought how they would look on
_somebody’s_ neck; but I drove the devil away, and reported my discovery
to the mate. He told me to keep quiet until they were called for. After
breakfast the captain summoned all hands, alluded to the loss, and said
that Miss Fisher would give thirty dollars for the string of beads. I
gave them to the fair owner, and she counted out the money; she handed
it to me, and I declined it; she blushed (thinking that I considered the
amount too small) and said the captain told her she must not offer a
bigger reward; I then remarked that I was very happy to restore the
ornament to its rightful owner, and that I could not think of being mean
enough to require money to pay for my honesty, and calling into
requisition one of the French monkeyisms, sometimes called a bow, and
scraping the deck with my left foot—vanished. The beads were precious
to Miss Fisher as an heirloom, and she tried hard, through my friend
Jim, to make me take the reward. When she found that neither of us could
be moved, she began to send us all sorts of good things to eat, and one
day she asked Jim how it happened that we were so intimate? He said we
had been in eighteen battles together, and that I would probably before
long become his brother-in-law. At that her tragic muse was a little
stumped. On her arrival in New York she played at the Park Theatre,
through me sent tickets to the whole crew of the “Great Britain,” and
honoured Jim and myself by taking us into the green-room of the theatre.
It was not long after that her beautiful form was deposited in the
graveyard of Old Trinity Church, not far from that statue of Bishop
Hobart in the rear of the chancel upon which they used to throw a soft
and tinted light that I always remember with pleasure.
Altogether, Jim and I made four voyages to Europe in the “Great
Britain.” During our last stay in Liverpool our ship attracted much
attention in Prince’s Dock, especially on Sundays, when hundreds came to
see the “Yankee ship.” One Sunday when I was keeping ship, a strange
gentleman came on board, and, after satisfying his curiosity, turned his
eyes upon me, and asked if I were an American. I replied “Yes,” and then
he added, “and from the Housatonic, I suppose?” He knew me, but I did
not recollect him. He told me that, when sick and miserable, he had
sailed from New Haven to New York in a sloop with me, and that I had
treated him with special kindness. Perhaps so, but I had forgotten all
about it. He never forgot such things, he said; and after a long talk
with the captain, I was invited to the stranger’s house in Duke Street,
where I was treated very handsomely. The next day my new friend, whose
name was Henry Dorlag, called again, and told the captain he wanted me
to go into the country with him. The captain consented, but said that I
hardly ever went ashore without my bosom friend Jim Williams. “So much
the better,” said Mr. Dorlag, and we obtained leave of absence for seven
days. We were then shipped on board a handsome carriage, and with Mr.
Dorlag as captain, we visited Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield, had
all that we wanted to eat and drink, enjoyed the beautiful scenery of
that part of England, and finally returned to the ship,—not having
spent a single penny of our own money.
Liverpool now began to have some attractions for me, and I almost
fancied myself as big as a captain. The great cotton fever of 1826 was
then at its height, and the captain of our ship was a speculator to a
considerable extent. Through Mr. Dorlag and some of his commercial
friends, I obtained some information, which I communicated to the
captain, and which enabled him, after a while, to make a good deal of
money. The consequence was, whether I deserved it or not, I was treated
with great consideration by the captain and owners of the “Great
Britain.” On a subsequent voyage to England, I had an opportunity to do
something for myself, and a little tar speculation I went into with Jim
Williams, brought us something handsome. In addition to this I was made
a square-rigged second mate and Jim a third—a degree not often known in
these days, excepting among whalemen. On our return to New York, Captain
Williams complimented me and his son on our success, but gave us a
side-wiper by expressing his astonishment that such a pair of unwhipped
cubs should have been called upon to perform the duties of full-grown
seamen. In spite of all that I felt my oats, and carried a stiff upper
lip. I talked big, and made even the old tars stare; and many gentlemen
listened to my stories with a patience that did not increase my
estimation of their knowledge or common sense. I am confident now that,
at that time, I mistook mere politeness for esteem. No young man of my
age had more of what are called friends than I had, and money-loving old
ladies and pretty girls were alike devoted to my happiness. As a lunatic
asylum did not then bring me up, I have often thought that perhaps there
was indeed something in me like the virtue of stability. I made another
voyage to Europe with my inevitable companion, and during our absence,
when not at work, nearly all that we did was to talk about my getting
married, a step upon which I had resolved. We talked over the unkind
treatment I had occasionally received from his father: we knew the
biggest fence I had to climb would be “the old folks at home,” and when
I spoke of running away, Jim swore that he would stand by me to the
bitter end; and by the time we arrived in New York again our plans were
all settled, and we waited for the tide.
Shortly after our arrival in New York, I told my secret to a friend who
was captain of a sloop that traded up the Housatonic. He rather
encouraged me, and promised to stand by me in the event of my needing
his help. The dark clouds of fear now gave way to the sun of hope, and
the star of Venus was in the ascendant, and in the sloop. I went home on
a visit to my parents. While there I was accused of a small piece of
rascality by the saints of my native village, connected with the ringing
of a church bell, and though entirely innocent, I was fined seven
dollars. I then returned to New York.
The “Great Britain” went into winter quarters, all hands were paid off,
and as my friend Jim and I had our pockets pretty full, we felt well,
and I thought it time to commence business. One morning, after spending
the night with Jim Williams, and when nearly through breakfast, I
intimated to the father that I desired a private interview, as I had a
business matter on hand, and wanted his advice. The young lady at the
table fairly gasped, and Jim dropped his hot coffee on the back of the
cat, which went off like a streak of lightning. The captain looked up,
and exclaimed, “What, in the devil’s name, is the matter with you all?
you seem to be struck comical! And so you want to talk with me, Tom? I
suppose you and Jim are going to Buenos Ayres as commodores!” When left
alone, I proceeded to tell my story, winding up with the remark that I
intended to be married. The captain was astonished, and said, “Why, Tom,
you are crazy; no girl would be fool enough to have you!” I told him I
had given my word more than six months before, and that the lady was
very willing. He asked me if she was well off, and I said that her
parents were highly respectable, and quite rich. He then inquired if she
was good-looking, if I really loved her, and thought that I could
support her, and if her parents were willing? I replied yes to the first
two questions, and no to the last. “And that’s the particular point upon
which I want your advice,” said I. To this he replied, “If all you say
is true, I advise you to get spliced as soon as possible. This step may
keep you out of bad company, and make you a respectable man. As a mere
matter of policy, you had better speak to the old man, and then if he
objects, trust to Providence, and go ahead.” I told him I was a thousand
times obliged to him for his disinterested advice, and would endeavour
to set upon it to the very letter. “That is worthy of your name, my boy;
and now, I suppose, you’ll have no objection to telling me the name of
the fortunate lady?” I made a respectful bow, and replied, “Her name,
sir, is _Jane Williams_.” Heavenly powers! it makes me dodge my head
even now, when I picture to myself the change! The captain was naturally
testy, but now he grew fairly purple. Observing the fiery old captain
moving toward the fireplace, and by his looks meaning mischief, I waited
for no mature deliberations, but decamped in far greater haste than I
entered. At the hall door I encountered my love, informed her of the
answer, snatched a kiss and was off, as Jack says, like a struck
dolphin.
The old gentleman immediately assembled his dutiful children, and told
them what had happened. Miss Jane wept dreadfully, but not from sorrow I
fancy, and Jim, as in duty bound, swore, by the rising sun of Buenos
Ayres, that he would shoot me. The very next day Jane was sent into New
Jersey to visit an aunt and to remain there until I had gone to sea
again, and as the father was deep in a lawsuit, Jim was to accompany
her. The sloop in which they might have sailed to Amboy did not go in
that direction, but to the Housatonic river, and by some queer accident
I was a passenger. She duly arrived at her place of destination, and at
the house of the captain of the sloop I was, in due form, married to
Jane Williams, and thus followed the capital advice of her worthy
father. My wife immediately addressed a handsome letter to him, and we
began to enjoy ourselves in our new quarters. On the second day after
this important event, my wife and I, our host and his wife and Jim
Williams—who lay on the carpet like a crab, smoking a Spanish
cigar—were assembled in the parlour talking over the probabilities, and
on looking down the road, who should we see coming up like a young
hurricane but Captain Williams! He bolted into the house, wild as a
tiger, and meeting our host inquired for the _viper_. “Which one?” was
the reply. “Tom Cleaveland,” stammered out the furious visitor. The
scene that followed was truly terrible, and I cannot give all the
particulars. When my dear father-in-law was very sternly informed that
he was in the house of a stranger, and in old Connecticut, where the
laws were carried out, he became a little pacified. On my giving him a
little of my own mind, he melted still more. And when my wife, looking
like the picture of Niobé, rushed into his arms, and implored his
forgiveness, the matter was settled, and his curses were changed into a
blessing upon both our heads, and the whole affair was clenched by a
good glass of old Jamaica rum all round. Dinner came on, which we all
enjoyed, and after we had got through, father Williams leaned back in
his chair, in true Yankee fashion, only that he did not put his feet on
the table,—he was not enough of a Yankee for that,—and then we had a
long talk about cash prospects and going to sea. After stating that he
would return to New York in the very sloop that had brought away the
runaways, he called his daughter to his side, and thus addressed
her:—“Here, you hussy, is something to frighten the wolf from the door
for a few weeks to come,” and he counted out six one-hundred-dollar
bills. “You do not deserve it! Hist! not a word of thanks;” and turning
to me he continued:—“And you, Mr. Tom, I freely forgive you, and will
receive you as my son. Treat your wife as she deserves. She has made her
own choice, and must abide by it. I never want you to tell me of your
family troubles, but I shall be disappointed if you don’t fight a battle
royal in less than six months. But whether you quarrel or not, remember,
sir, that she has a father who loves her; and rather than see you hang
down your head because your wife wears the breeches, and has got the
money, and in consideration of the good qualities you have and have not,
I insist upon your acceptance of this check for six hundred dollars.
Silence, sir—no thanks. Now, Tom, you and your girl must man a carriage
and go down and surprise the old folks at home, and tell your father it
is my request he will not put you in jail. I will go home in a sloop and
will immediately send up to Jane any clothing that she may need, and
send her mother along at the same time.”
He did return to New York, and I took my bride to my father’s house,
where we surprised the family, had a noisy but very happy re-union, and
I began to look upon life as a serious business.
A new life was now opened before me, and for some unaccountable reason I
began to be thoughtful and almost melancholy. I did not regret what I
had done, but to this day I have never been able to satisfy myself as to
the cause. It was perhaps a reaction after having been too happy. I have
conversed with others who, like me, married young, and I have always
found that they had experienced a similar despondency. But these blue
devils only kept me in bondage for a week, and then I became as happy as
in the olden times.
For two or three months my wife and I rambled about the State wherever
we pleased. At length a north-eastern storm caught us among the
beautiful hills of the Upper Housatonic, near what are called the
Hundred Hills. Here we became acquainted with some pleasant people, and
concluded to tarry for a while. We stumbled upon a handsome little farm
which we fancied, and found could be purchased for some two thousand
dollars. We wrote to our parents and they furnished us with the money,
hoping that we would settle down. In the vicinity of this place we had
secured board, and the price paid for it, in those good old times, was
one dollar and a half per week; and the worthy farmer who became our
host was not one of the sanctimonious sort, but could enjoy a harmless
frolic, and was a real Christian; and his wife was a model of goodness
and neatness.
It is with regretful remembrance that I recall the local practices of
that time, and with shame for the degeneracy of the present generation.
Blue-skins may call what I term degeneracy reformation; but be it what
it may, it has neither added to the comfort nor the friendly feelings of
the community. It was customary in the region of country where we were,
for neighbours to call in, during the long winter evenings, and around a
table covered with apples and nuts and some good sparkling cider, to
have a pleasant conversation; and people were disposed to be grateful
for those indulgences which a kind Providence had bestowed upon us in
such unlimited profusion. But now the times are sadly changed. The warm
old-fashioned welcome and good cheer are all gone for ever. In these
days, the stiffly-received visitor is perhaps informed by the lady of
the house that her husband has joined the Temperance Society; that he
has made no cider this year; that he has cut down the thrifty
apple-trees planted by his father; that even tea and coffee have been
found bad for the health, and that now the only beverage in use is cold
water. He is also informed that they have a piano that the oldest
daughter plays, and so Jemima is trotted out. It is the dead of winter,
and he is taken to the parlour, where it is cold enough to freeze an
Esquimaux. Jemima pitches in and makes a fool of herself over some
Italian music, which would give a bull-frog the horrors. After this
punishment for his friendly visit, the victim is then permitted to
return to the room which he left, where there is a fire, and where he is
expected to tell a dozen deliberate lies about the music and all that.
He is then offered some greasy cake and a dirty tumbler of cold water,
and when he takes his departure he is invited to come again and pass
what is called a pleasant evening. Now, if this is reformation, may I be
forgiven for wishing to remain in my sins.
We did not take possession of our new home until late in the fall—too
late, as the neighbours said, to build a new fence that was needed. I
disagreed with that opinion, and having bought some cedar posts, which
people said would last for ever, a few days after, I turned carpenter,
and made a tip-top fence, which the two “governors” complimented when
they came to see us. As Christmas approached, we went down to spend the
holidays with my father, in the village where I had suffered as a
schoolboy. At that place I gave an oyster supper to eighteen of my
friends on Christmas Eve, which concluded with certain fantastic
performances connected with one of the churches (and which I have since
repented of), and I was compelled to quit the place rather suddenly and
visit New York.
I found it advisable to remain there some little time, until the
Christmas frolic should be forgotten. Away from my wife, time weighed
heavily, and I found it difficult to amuse myself. Just then, and it was
Saturday afternoon, I stumbled upon a former schoolmate, and while
talking about old times, the name of the schoolmaster who had so often
abused me was mentioned, and my friend asked me how I would like to see
my affectionate preceptor. I replied that I would willingly give fifty
dollars to see him, as I was indebted to him for a bruised face. My
friend added that he also owed him a small debt, and that we would foul
his head-gear in less than forty-eight hours, as the blasted hypocrite
was living at Trenton, New Jersey. We at once started for a livery
stable, and engaged a horse and buggy for a Sunday cruise. On the
following morning we departed for Trenton, and having arrived within
three miles of the place, engaged another horse and wagon, and arrived
at our place of destination just before the close of morning service.
Taking a convenient position, we waited until the people came out of the
church, and at length the object of our brotherly solicitude appeared.
When separated a little from the crowd, we approached to proffer our
respects. He pretended not to recognise us, and when I told him that I
had, when a boy, sworn to revenge the wrongs he had committed against
me, he manifested some uneasiness. He threatened us with the law and
told us to clear out; and then it was that we pitched in, and one after
the other, with our fists and a cowhide, we fully accomplished the
object of our visit. Two or three citizens attempted to interfere, but
when they caught sight of the pistols we carried, they kept quiet until
we reached our wagon, and in a moment after we were bound back to New
York, where we arrived in safety at a late hour that night. From New
York I next day wrote the rascal a letter filled with my private
sentiments, but as I heard nothing in reply, I presumed he concluded to
view the incident with Christian resignation. I never saw this man
afterward, but I know that his bad character prevented him from being
ordained as a Presbyterian minister; that he figured for a while as an
Episcopal minister in the State of New York, but was turned out of that
church when discovered; and when last heard from, he was again following
the trade of a schoolmaster.
After this little episode I ventured to return to Connecticut, and was
happy to find the talk about the Christmas fantasticals had about blown
over, and I only suffered some well-merited reproofs from my parents,
who really entertained the opinion that I had not been conducting myself
like a staid, married man.
Upon the whole, the first winter of my married life was quite happy.
Spring was now approaching, and our neighbours on the Upper Housatonic
were preparing for their employment of rafting timber down to the Sound.
I was just thinking of trying my hand at that business, when I received
a letter from my father-in-law directing me to shut up our house and
come down to New York. We obeyed orders, and after going down and
spending a night with my own parents, we went directly to headquarters
in Brooklyn.
The object of my summons to New York was to have me accept from Captain
Williams the command of a small brig, with Jim as my mate, to make a
trading voyage to Para in South America, of which quarter of the globe,
I may say, I had some slight recollection. My mission was to hunt up
horns, hides, and tallow, and as I thought that would be dull business,
I felt that I would like to have my wife join me on the voyage. I “said
nothing to nobody,” but tipped a wink to her ladyship, and she brought
her genius to bear upon the senior captain. He couldn’t say no, and she
was counted in. My crew was of the best quality, every one of them old
friends, and my second mate a man who was ten years older than myself.
At that time liquor was reckoned as part of a ship’s ration, but I
offered to each of my men one dollar and eighty cents per month, in
addition to their pay, to go without the grog, and they willingly
agreed. At the same time, I told them they might take a reasonable
supply on private account, but that it would never do for me to see one
of them drunk. On the spot we “spliced the main brace,” then hauled into
the stream, and I never had cause to complain of a single man for
improper conduct as the result of drink.
I have, at this present writing, been about forty years at sea, and
believe I know something of matters nautical. I do not hesitate to say
that when there is any difficulty between master and men, in nine cases
out of ten the fault lies at the door of the master and his officers.
The poor sailor is too often swindled and wronged, from the commencement
of the voyage until he is turned over to the land-sharks or landlords
who so eagerly welcome him to their dens. The little regard for law and
justice, the utter absence of principle evinced by many of our business
men, would appear incredible, did not the shameful facts too plainly
speak for themselves. Our maritime laws decree that every American
vessel sailing from an American port must have two-thirds of her crew,
and the chief officer or second in command, citizens of the United
States. Protections are granted to every American citizen on the
production of sufficient authority that he is a citizen. It is supposed
some pains might be taken to ascertain these facts. But this is not the
case, nor has it ever been difficult to obtain protection without
showing any papers whatever; and the result has been that American
sailors are one-half the time pushed out of the way by a squad of Dutch,
English, Irish, and Portuguese. With regard to our beautiful clipper
ships, I firmly believe that at least two-thirds of them are wholly
manned by foreigners, to the direct detriment of Americans. When the
American sailor is honest and poor, woe be to his prospects of
advancement! To such an extent have foreigners got possession of our
ships, both in the merchant and naval services, that it is quite common
to hear American boys jeered at as Yankees, the term being mixed up with
obscene oaths.
It is a fact which cannot be disputed, that amongst our recently
manufactured seamen, not more than one in ten can properly cast the
lead, scud a vessel with skill, or send down a top-gallant yard
properly; and as for stowing a hold, our second mates with rich fathers
employ stevedores for such low work, not choosing to dip their hands in
tar or slush, as the practice is detrimental to pretty skins, and might
render them almost as masculine as their sisters. My opinion is that
there has been a retrograde movement in seamanship since the grog
rations were curtailed. Poor Jack loses his grog, and the princely
owners of our European packets add to their wealth in the same ratio,
and can therefore afford to drink the most costly wines, which is all
just and very proper, _of course_. And the custom which has prevailed of
decoying good American sailors on board these packets, and after working
them hard on the outward passage, of driving them off to obtain
foreigners at lower wages, is simply infamous. American sailors have
done more than any other class of men to reflect glory upon the national
flag, and yet there is not another class which has had to put up with so
much wrong and outrage. The rights of American seamen have been most
cruelly and shamefully neglected.
When we passed south and were still in sight of the Neversink Hills, my
wife came out of the cabin to take a last fond look of the dear old
country she was leaving, and she felt pretty blue, but soon got over her
bad feelings. A Connecticut girl had volunteered for six dollars per
month to come with her as a friend, and they had a chance to do up a big
lot of sewing after a few days of sea-sickness. That voyage was
completed in five and a half months, and was successful. The real
happiness that I enjoyed with my wife seemed to have a softening effect
upon my character, and had it not been for one calamity that happened to
me a few months afterwards, I suppose I might have settled down, and
have become of some use to my country, and lived so as not to have
dishonoured my name. The calamity alluded to was the untimely death of
my wife. She was one of the very best of women, and very dear to me; and
the few letters which she had an opportunity to write to me I value
beyond calculation, and I have carried them about with me in all my
subsequent wanderings. The love of novelty and excitement made me a
wanderer when a boy, and the great grief which came upon me in my prime
made me a still more reckless wanderer than I was before. To change the
unhappy language of Byron, I can well say from the core of my heart—
The wanderer is alone as heretofore,
The beings which surrounded me are gone,
Or are at war with me; I am a mark
For blight and desolation. Compassed round
With Hatred and Contention: Pain is mixed
In all that is served up to me, until,
Like to the Pontic monarch of old days,
I feed on poisons, and they have no power,
But are a kind of nutriment; and I’ve lived
Through that which had been death to many men.
I was born upon the sea, I have spent the greater part of my life on the
sea, and when I come to die I hope to die upon the sea. That I have shed
human blood in self-defence I will not deny. That I have defied the laws
of the whole world, have preyed on merchant vessels, have evaded the
toils of the West India police, and rendered the name of my favourite
“Van Tromp” a scarecrow, is all true. Many that I wot of will long
remember the Island of Taches and its ghostly dogs, the execution of the
unfortunate Alquazil, the terror of Aquadillo, and one in particular
will remember with a shudder what were his feelings when he first saw
the “Star of Horror” in 1833. This “star” consisted of the bodies of
three human beings—poor slaves—impaled upon a single handspike set in
a tree above a spring where vessels used to get their water. These
things never appeared in the papers, and in their full development they
never will. This was all very bad business, and I wish that it could be
forgotten. Well, well, my father is dead, and in the cold grave beside
him repose the remains of my adored mother. The house where I was born
has passed into the hands of strangers, and on the hearthstone of my
early home bright fires are annually burning and cheering the hearts of
those who never saw me, never loved me, but who have been taught,
perhaps, to associate my name with that of the pirate Kidd. Everything
that makes life desirable has been wrested from me, and I am often
tempted to disown and abandon for ever the land of my fathers. Owing to
my long absence, as a rover of the sea, I am compelled to look upon the
scenes, and mates, and pleasures of my home as passed away for ever;
even the old dog “Watch” would not remember his former playmate. Yes, I
have outlived my parents, a great share of my relations, and most of the
companions of my youth; have lived the life of a reckless dare-devil,
and if I ever had any traits of real goodness, they are so wretchedly
conglomerated with my follies, that nothing, I sometimes fear, will ever
redeem me from the gall of bitterness and the bond of iniquity which
seem to be my lot.
How happily for us is it ordained that, in the most stirring life there
are, here and there, little resting spots for reflection, from which, as
from an eminence, we can look over the past, and think about the future.
Our youth, when we trusted all things and believed all things, comes
back to us, and is reflected in everything we meet, and, like Narcissus,
we worship our own image in the stream. As we advance in life, and
become engrossed with the anxieties and cares of the world, such periods
become more brief and less frequent. Many a bright dream has been
dissolved, and fairy vision replaced by some dark reality; and blighted
hopes and false friendships have gradually made the heart callous to
every gentle feeling. Is it not natural, therefore, that we should love
these bright spots in our pathway through life? As we look back upon our
career we become convinced that “the child is father of the man;” and
how frequently are the projects of our manhood the fruit of some boyish
predilection! In the emulative ardour that stirs the schoolboy’s heart
we may oftentimes read the record of that high daring which either
wrecks or makes a hero of its possessor. These moments, too, are
scarcely more pleasurable than they are salutary. That still small voice
of conscience, unheard amid the din and bustle of life, speaks audibly
to us now; and while chastened by regrets, we are sustained by some
approving thought, or by promises for the future, and cannot but feel
“how good it is to be here.”
I have served in vessels from a clam-boat to a seventy-four, and in all
capacities, in the merchant service, from cook to captain. As a
whaleman, I have made several voyages entirely round the world. My last
was performed in 1845, 1846, and 1847 in the good ship “Henry” of Sag
Harbour, and this voyage I had the vanity to describe in a wretched lot
of verses of six hundred lines. During that cruise we visited
Kamschatka, New Zealand, New Holland, Japan, the Cape of Good Hope, Cape
Horn, the Sandwich Islands, and endured all the hardships of whaling
life. Connected as I have been for many years with the Navy, as a
man-of-war’s man it may be well enough for me to give a list of the
Government vessels in which I have served. My first was the frigate
“Macedonian,” in which, under Commodore M. C. Perry, I spent the years
1843, 1844, and part of 1845 on the coast of Africa; after that I made
the whaling voyage already mentioned, and on my return, again entered
the service, and was transferred to the frigate “Raritan,” for a cruise
in the Pacific under Captain Charles Gauntt, who was succeeded by
Captain W. W. M‘Kean, and he by Captain C. S. M‘Cauley; I then shipped
on board the frigate “Savannah,” first under Captain W. D. Salter, and
secondly under Captain Samuel Mercer, for a cruise on the coast of
Brazil, during which I acted as a clerk on board the frigate. I
subsequently went to China and Japan in the lamented frigate
“Mississippi;” and on the breaking out of the rebellion I shipped on
board the gun-boat “Pampero” and spent on her the years 1861, 1862, and
1863; from the “Pampero” I was transferred to the United States steamer
“Vicksburg,” in which I served a part of 1863, the whole of 1864, and a
part of 1865, this having been my last service at sea.
From what I have already recorded in the course of this disjointed
narrative, it may be inferred that I have seen something of the world. I
only regret that my advantages have not had a more salutary influence
upon my reflective powers. Wisdom cometh by experience undoubtedly, but
as I have spent very much the life of a fool, I must conclude that mine
is the exceptional case which only confirms the universal rule. But I
must defend myself by saying that I have occasionally had some thoughts,
not wholly frivolous I hope, about the ways of mankind and matters and
things in general, which, with my experiences, I have recorded in a kind
of private Log-Book, which I have kept by me in my old chest for many
years.
But my yarn is getting long and it is time that I should wind it up, and
poor Jack may be pardoned, I trust, if he does so with a flourish. I do
not pretend to anything like extra intelligence (if I am a Yankee), but
I have a sufficient amount of common sense to know that I am not an
artist nor a poet. But I have tried my hand at making pictures, and my
Log-Book contains a pretty big lot of them. Some of my sketches and
charts taken in China were once begged from me by a British Admiral, and
were subsequently of service to his fleet in their hostile operations
against the Chinese, and for which I was officially thanked by Lord
Elgin, the Governor-General; and several of my storm pictures and views
of famous places have been engraved and published. I like poetry, have
always been a reader of it, and have been fool enough, occasionally, as
already stated, to perpetrate some verses. It sounds like nonsense, I
know, for a poor old sailor, whose chief business is with tar and the
marline-spike, to be talking about poetry and painting, but it is not my
fault that God has given me a love for refinement. He intended me for a
better fate and a happier life than I have been willing, in my
consummate folly, to accept at His hands. May I be forgiven for all that
I have done that was wrong, and for having left undone what I should
have done.
* * * * *
_P.S._—The last time that I saw the hero of the foregoing story, he
called upon me at my house in Georgetown, D.C., to borrow a little
money, which I gave him most cheerfully. He was then employed in some
appropriate capacity at the Washington Navy Yard; and not long
afterwards, I received a letter from one of his relatives, informing me
of his death, which had occurred on the banks of the Housatonic. He was
one of those men who sometimes became admirals, but poor “Tom
Cleaveland” was himself his worst enemy, and was always in the way of
deserved promotion.
C. L.
THE END
———————————————
PRINTED BY T. AND A. CONSTABLE, PRINTERS TO HER MAJESTY,
AT THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PRESS.
TRANSCRIBER NOTES
Two of the chapter headings do not match what is listed in the
CONTENTS: “Louis Gamache of Anticosti” is listed in the Contents
as “The Wizard of Anticosti”, “Round Cape Horn” is listed in the
Contents as “Around Cape Horn”.
Misspelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where
multiple spellings occur, majority use has been employed.
Punctuation has been maintained except where obvious printer
errors occur.
Book cover is placed in the public domain.
[The end of _Recollections of Curious Characters and Pleasant Places_ by
Charles Lanman]
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